This chapter addresses the theme of patronage, with specific examples considered for each of three categories: papal, lay, imperial.

Federal policy began to drift from tribal termination during the late 1950s. Navajo Nation citizens Paul and Lorena Williams argued they could not be sued in state court for events arising in Indian country, and the United States Supreme Court agreed in 1959, ruling state jurisdiction would infringe upon tribes’ ability to self-govern. The Supreme Court’s decision reinvigorated tribal sovereignty, and the Miccosukee leader Mostaki, better known as “Buffalo Tiger,” pushed the limits of tribal sovereignty. When the United States refused to recognize the Miccosukee as an Indian tribe, Buffalo Tiger led a Miccosukee delegation to Fidel Castro’s Cuba in 1959. Castro acknowledged the Miccosukee as an Indian tribe, and the United States was forced to do the same upon Miccosukee’s return. President Lyndon Johnson took an interest in Indian affairs and passed the controversial Indian Civil Rights Act of 1968. However, President Richard Nixon became tribes’ greatest advocate. In 1970, he formally ended the termination era and set in motion policies that would lead to the present tribal self-determination era.

Shelley’s engagement with economics is central to his work. From Queen Mab (1813) to ‘A Philosophical View of Reform’ (composed 1819–20), his discussion of economic events and ideas helped him to critique the social world and propose how it could be improved. His work responds to the productive activities of the labouring poor in the factories and the fields, and to the financial phenomena reshaping Britain’s economy, from public debt to fiat currency. Crucial to Shelley’s economics was the perception that orthodox ideas, such as the labour theory of value and the quantity theory of money, could be used to promote radical ends. The chapter outlines the role of such ideas in Shelley’s work and his response to key economic writers, including Thomas Robert Malthus and William Cobbett. It also outlines how, for Shelley, the production of credible economic knowledge was vital to attaining economic change to benefit the many.

Tribes operated governments since time out of mind. Tribes developed institutions to manage their lands, people, and resources. While European arrival brought many hardships, tribes adapted, but eventually, tribes were forced onto reservations. Tribes endured attempts to exterminate their existence as distinct governments and cultures. Despite fifty years of the federal government’s tribal self-determination policy, tribes remain subject to excessive federal constraints on their sovereignty. Hence, tribes continue to struggle with crime and poverty. Tribes need greater autonomy to address the problems in their communities, and this requires treating tribes as nations again.

Chapter 4 aims at evaluating the classical parameters of GB Theory from today’s point of view. The first parameters discussed are those concerning S′-deletion, Subjacency, long distance anaphora, the Projection Principle, and nominative Case assignment, which are shown either to refer to obsolete theoretical concepts or to be reducible to other, more basic theories. Then, the discussion turns to those parameters whose epistemological status is still being upheld in Minimalism, that is, those concerning null subject, V-to-T and V-to-C movement, polysynthesis, and overt vs. covert wh-movement, by looking at their respective minimalist reformulations. What emerges from this investigation is that, strikingly, the only traditional parameters here reviewed which still enjoy an independent theoretical status are those which in Chapter 2 have been labeled as Spellout parameters. Moreover, the overt vs. covert wh-movement parameter could well be an exception in this sense. In fact, assuming Richards N. (2010) or an equivalent PF-based account is on the right track, wh-movement pertains to the A-P interface.

Consociationalism is a distinct regime-type that is designed to deal with the problem of deep diversity, that is, a society divided by differences that are salient enough to consistently polarise groups over time in ways that makes governing together difficult. The defining goal of consociational regimes is social and political stability in a manner consistent with democratic values. The unifying feature of the various measures advocated to achieve that goal is the protection of salient social groups (or segments) from blunt majority rule, especially in areas of particular concern for those groups. But can consociational regimes become sufficiently stable over time? The way in which recognition tends to be prioritised in consociations above other democratic values, we argue, results in democratic deficits that provide resources to actors who would seek to challenge the regime from within. This observation serves as the basis of our claim that consociations are inherently unstable in the sense that they face the permanent risk of evolving into regimes dominated by the majority or into a spiral of progressive disintegration. Without making prescriptions, this conclusion leads us to briefly consider an alternative to consociationalism as a solution to the problem of deep diversity, namely centripetalism.

This chapter addresses the relationship between Shelley’s epic theory and practice with reference notably to Laon and Cythna and “A Defence of Poetry”, as well as Queen Mab and Prometheus Unbound. The essay shows how Laon and Cythna breaks with epic tradition – and exceeds Shelley’s own theoretical account of the genre – in finding creative solutions to the problem of how to link past, present, and future, as well as the local and the universal, without didacticism or what Shelley in the ‘Defence’ calls the ‘gross’ sense of prophecy: a foretelling of the future. I contend that Shelley’s epic poetry does not seek to recuperate past moments of social coherence to guide and unify the present or predict the future so much as to leave space for not knowing what will come. Shelley’s experimental epics regard a hopeful uncertainty as, paradoxically, the only certain means of reform.