Il s'agit d'une description, en termes de la Theéorie de l'Argumentation de Ducrot, d'un emploi pragmatique de maintenant. En tant que source de contraintes discursives ce connecteur présente pour nous un double intérêt. D'un point de vue descriptif, son étude rejoint celle de la cohésion textuelle; d'un point de vue théorique, il repose la question de la ligne de démarcation entre la sémantique et la pragmatique.

While rejecting a claim for the disappearance of distinctive vowel length in historical French as ‘counterfactual’ (Picard, 2004: 3), Picard's own arguments in support of the existence of vowel length do not rise to the level of fact. Picard fails to differentiate between derived versus underlying (hence distinctive) features. Further, his assumptions regarding vowel length from the Middle French period on are ill founded. Regarding the truly minor vocalic contrasts that do exist in Canadian French mid and low vowels, Picard makes several unmotivated assumptions and unsupported assertions that preclude consideration of other, plausible scenarios for their existence. Minor vocalic contrasts such as these, with little to no functional load, can be modeled in phonological grammars without an unnecessary proliferation of phonological categories.

Human beings have a genetically-determined capacity to walk, rather than to fly or swim. People can learn to swim, but it is not something that is genetically programmed. Do humans have a genetically-determined capacity to acquire language? Universal Grammar is a theory that assumes that they do. Except in cases of genetic disorder, humans have specialised mental architecture which is uniform across the species in its initial state, and which determines the ways in which samples of language encountered are converted into mental grammars. The specialised architecture is Universal Grammar, and it underlies our capacity to acquire particular languages like English, French, Chinese and so on. Two questions that need to be asked immediately about Universal Grammar if it is to be of any interest in understanding the acquisition of French as a second language are: (i) What evidence is there that Universal Grammar is operating when people who have already acquired a native language learn French as a second language? (ii) What insight does the adoption of a theory of Universal Grammar bring to understanding the processes involved, the course of development over time and the nature of the end state grammars that learners achieve? The article presents empirical evidence from a selection of studies bearing on these questions. It will be argued that the assumption that humans have mental architecture dedicated specifically to language acquisition – Universal Grammar – even in the case of second language acquisition, has allowed considerable progress to be made in understanding second language French.

We follow the trajectory of a change in progress in Québec French. The study is based on interviews with speakers born between 1895 and 1965. The results show an increase in conditional morphology in the si-clauses of hypothetical complexes. After WWII, the conditional becomes the quantitative norm. The analysis of a number of demographic and socio-economic factors reveals that the usage likely originated in the working class male group. Today, use of the conditional is generalised in the community and it is the preferred form for the younger speakers; only the most educated hold on to the old rule.

Cette étude présente les résultats d'une analyse d'un corpus de français romand conversationnel et démontre, par le biais d'une série de tests de morphologisation (Schwegler, 1990) que l'ancien pronom relatif-interrogatif qui1 s'est séparé en deux formes distinctes sur les plans sémantique et morphosyntaxique: (1) un pronom interrogatif autonome, qui2 et (2) un préfixe relatif flexionnel, qui- qui s'ajoute au paradigme des préfixes préverbaux. La relation entre qui2 et qui- est du même genre que celui déjà attesté pour la relation entre les préfixes personnels flexionnels je, tu, il/elle, etc., et les pronoms sujets facultatifs, moi, toi, lui/elle, etc. Conformes aux processus de la grammaticalisation et propulsés par la fréquence des tournures en qui-V dans les constructions clivées, ces résultats suggèrent en outre un changement typologique et une diglossie naissante entre l'oral spontané (préfixal) et l'écrit classique (suffixal), au moins sur le plan morphosyntaxique. Le présent article a pour but de déterminer le statut de qui dans le français romand conversationnel, relatif à son stade de morphologisation par rapport aux préfixes personnels flexionnels ainsi qu'à la question d'une diglossie naissante entre l'oral et l'écrit.

Nous proposons un nouveau modèle psycholinguistique informatique du français. Le modèle, intitulé FN5, porte sur la reconnaissance de mots parlés, présentés en isolé (déterminant, adjectif antéposé, substantif) ou en suites de deux mots (déterminant et substantif, adjectif antéposé et substantif). Grâce à un lexique de plus de 17 000 mots, à une architecture connexionniste localiste, et à des mécanismes développés spécifiquement (processeur de position, groupements de connexions, et point d'isolation), le modèle peut simuler, de manière séquentielle ou simultanée, certains effets propres au mot isolé (fréquence, longueur, homophonie) ou à une suite de mots (coupure lexicale, enchaînement, liaison, effacement du schwa). De plus, le modèle tient compte de certaines différences qui existent entre le français standard et le français de Suisse romande (nombre de voyelles, durée vocalique en fin de mot, et statut du schwa). Nous décrivons ce modèle, présentons son interface graphique, et l'illustrons avec des exemples de simulation.

This paper examines whether the conceptual distinction made by anglophone philosophers of language between an existential and a universal any holds for the French equivalents of any. It argues that the distinction provides a useful basis for anglophones working towards French, by enabling a correct choice for any to be made from among its various French equivalents. Within the more general perspective of contrastive lexicology, however, the existential-universal distinction proves to be less significant in French than in English. The specific lexical realisations of any in French straddle, like any itself, the existential-universal divide, but with the exception of n'importe qui/quoi/quel(le). The existence of the latter has the effect of displacing the conceptual focus from the existential-universal contrast to nuances within the universal field.

Dans cette contribution, nous nous intéressons à l'origine et au développement de la construction [adverbe de degré + nom]: C'est très théâtre, c'est-à-dire très faux. De nos jours, cette construction se présente comme un puissant outil de recatégorisation contextuelle pour exprimer un rapport de ressemblance basé sur une analogie avec un concept nominal. Sur la base d'une recherche de corpus outillée, nous montrons que la construction-hôte [ADVdegré + ADJ] a pu s'ouvrir à la catégorie nominale à partir d'un petit noyau dur de noms humains, en partie qualitatifs, tirant profit de certaines propriétés structurelles du français de l’époque. Par la suite, la construction s'est diversifiée vers d'autres classes sémantiques (noms inanimés, noms propres, etc.) et a progressivement attiré une gamme plus diversifiée de types lexicaux dans son orbite. Elle n'a cessé de gagner en productivité, tout en réduisant son fonds lexical d'origine à la portion congrue.

The article argues that, contrary to a widespread view (e.g. Haiman, 1985; Palmer, 1984), agreement in those languages which exhibit it is not a purely redundant, semantically empty and grammatically predictable phenomenon, but performs several important functions at the level of discourse.

Taking French as the example language, I will argue (section 2.1) that agreement signals the function-argument interpretation to be assigned to pairs of expressions of various kinds; and second, that it may also code anaphorically the high-focus status of particular discourse referents (section 2.2). Section 3 compares certain written errors in agreement marking made by advanced learners of French, with certain other interpretative errors in their reading of French articles - errors based on agreement relations and leading to the mis-assignment of reference to an agreement target or personal pronoun. Finally, section 4 argues that third person personal pronouns should be treated differently from the (essentially predicative) agreement targets discussed in sections 2 and 3, claiming that they do not participate in agreement stricto sensu.

Cet article traite d'un tour spécifique au français: la structure concessive avec avoir beau + infinitif (Il aura beau sonner, je ne lui ouvrirai pas (Riegel et alii 1996: 520), à comprendre comme: Il pourra bien sonner/Il pourra sonner autant qu'il veut, je ne lui ouvrirai pas). Nous nous y interrogeons sur la nature du lien syntaxique qui s'instaure, en français moderne, entre les deux membres de cette structure « en diptyque ». Nous commençons par un aperçu critique des descriptions dont la séquence a fait l'objet dans les grammaires du français contemporain; nous tirons ensuite quelques enseignements de l'évolution des emplois entre moyen français et français contemporain. Pour conclure cette étude à caractère préliminaire, nous formulons quelques hypothèses relatives au scénario diachronique de coalescence dans lequel notre structure semble engagée.

Contrary to most French grammars claiming that French only allows masculine agreement when mixed-gender nouns are conjoined, we show that closest conjunct agreement (CCA) does exist in contemporary French, as in other Romance languages, and is the preferred strategy for prenominal adjectives. Using data from a large corpus (FrWac) and an acceptability rating experiment, we show that (feminine) CCA is well accepted in contemporary French, and should be distinguished from attraction errors, despite the norm prescribing masculine agreement. We also show the role of the adjective position, i.e. prenominal or post-nominal, and humanness. CCA is the preferred strategy for prenominal adjectives, and non-human nouns favour CCA for post-nominal adjectives. Assuming a hierarchical structure for coordination, the closest noun is the highest in A-N order, whereas it is the lowest in N-A order. Thus CCA in prenominal position may be favoured by a shorter structural distance. One can also see CCA with a prenominal adjective as ‘early’ agreement. Regarding humanness, grammatical gender is interpreted as social gender with human nouns, and a masculine plural can refer to a mixed group. This ‘gender neutral’ plural may favour masculine agreement for human nouns, or the prescriptive norm is more influential for human nouns.

This article reports on vocabulary learning in French during Year 12 by 150 pupils in 15 English comprehensive schools. Vocabulary progress over two school terms was investigated in the context of learner strategy training that targeted listening and writing. This intervention was carried out in eleven schools and results compared with a comparison group of four schools. Recognition vocabulary and writing vocabulary measures taken during the students' course are compared with listening and writing scores, and examination results. Results suggest that interventions which target listening and writing skills do not lead to significant gains in vocabulary through incidental learning and the deployment of vocabulary in writing tasks. However, it also appears that extra time and effort devoted to developing listening and writing is not at the expense of vocabulary learning.

L'hypothèse d'une diglossie française est-elle une voie opérante pour analyser et développer les compétences linguistiques de locuteurs, enfants ou adultes, francophones? Cet article se propose d'apporter des éclairages sociolinguistiques sur cette question aujourd'hui largement discutée, en linguistique comme en didactique du français.

Notre contribution articule plusieurs arguments pouvant appuyer, nuancer, voire contredire le bien-fondé de cette approche, dans une perspective à la fois sociolinguistique, psycholinguistique, et didactique.

En confrontant la perspective diglossique à la réalité des pratiques stylistiques d'enfants et d'adultes sur la base d'un corpus de données recueillies en situations formelles et informelles, nous montrons combien il est délicat d'aborder la variation en termes dichotomiques si l'on envisage l'ensemble des niveaux linguistiques engagés dans la communication et pas seulement quelques variables isolées caractéristiques de deux extrêmes du continuum stylistique.

This article investigates the recently developed adjectival properties of the French noun clé ‘key’, as attested in for instance un poste très clé ‘a really key position’ and Cette mesure est-elle vraiment clé? ‘Is this measure really key?’. The main purpose of this study is triple: it consists in analysing (i) which adjectival uses can be found in modern French, (ii) to what extent they are accepted by native speakers (from different geographical varieties) of French, and (iii) how they can be accounted for within the framework of Construction Grammar and Construction Morphology. It will be hypothesised that French clé is subject to categorial gradience as a consequence of an ongoing constructionalisation process.

Ce volume thématique regroupe un ensemble de contributions portant sur la description et la modélisation de la prosodie en français. Ces articles ont été choisis afin de proposer un panorama assez large des travaux menés actuellement dans ce domaine.

This article explores perceptions of appropriateness in the French second-person pronoun system in relation to various sociopragmatic factors among native and nonnative speakers of French between the ages of 18 and 29. Participants completed an online survey in which a series of five social-interactive situations were presented. Analysis focused on the similarities and differences among native, near-native, advanced and intermediate speakers in their perceptions of formality, social distance, power/equality and appropriate tu/vous use, as well as correlations between the sociopragmatic factors and selection of tu or vous. Results indicate a high degree of variation within and across participant groups, with nonnatives tending to be more conservative (e.g., more formality, higher frequencies of vous) in their choices than their native-speaker counterparts. In concluding, the findings are discussed in relation to pedagogical implications.

The study compared the syntactic complexity and the use of logical connectors in summaries written in French by two groups of students: speakers of French as first language (L1) and peers in a French-immersion program (L2) from grade nine to university. Both L1 and L2 groups of university students demonstrated more general complexity in their written summaries than less mature writers. However, the use of phrasal elaboration was apparent just at the upper secondary and university levels with L1 students. Both groups generally tend to overuse causal connectors while underusing additive and adversative connectors compared to the author’s use in the source text. Yet both groups employ significantly more adversative connectors just at the post-secondary level. The only difference observed between L1 and L2 writers was in the diversity of connector words used in the summary, with the former group using a richer, more diverse vocabulary. Several measures for succinctness differentiated L1 and L2 students in early secondary with the latter group condensing the source text less than L1 students. Correlation analysis suggested that many measures of syntactic complexity and connector use are inextricably linked.

This study examines contact-induced change in Jèrriais, the severely endangered Norman variety currently spoken by some 1% of the population of Jersey, one of the British Channel Islands. Today, English dominates all linguistic domains of island life, and all speakers of Jèrriais are bilingual. The analysis uses original data to test empirically whether Myers-Scotton's (2002) five theoretical assumptions about the structural path of language attrition (broadly defined as language loss at the level of the individual) also have relevance for the process of language obsolescence (broadly defined as language loss at the level of the community). It explores i) whether Jèrriais is undergoing contact influenced language change owing to its abstract grammatical structure being split and recombined with English, a hypothesis related to Myers-Scotton's Abstract Level model; and ii) whether different morpheme types of Jèrriais are related to the production process in different ways and are, accordingly, more or less susceptible to change during the process of language obsolescence, a hypothesis related to Myers-Scotton's 4-M model. In addition to its contribution to linguistic theory, this study increases existing knowledge about Jèrriais and makes data from this language available for systematic comparison with other languages.

This article examines the seemingly dichotomous linguistic processes of transmission and diffusion (Labov, 2007) in the regional variety of French spoken in Béarn, southwestern France. Using a sociophonetic apparent time methodology, an analysis of nasal vowel quality provides evidence for the advancement of linguistic changes from below taking place between successive generations during the transmission process, as well as for change from above taking place in the variety as a result of exposure to diffusing non-local varieties of French. The results address Labov's (2007) assertion that it is rare to investigate incremental changes occurring from below in European dialectological studies and shed light on the transmission–diffusion interface by showing the adoption of an individual change from above to instigate a faithfully-transmitted counterclockwise chain shift in the regional French nasal vowel system.