Les normes qui régissent l'emploi des termes d'adresse, et plus spécialement celui des ‘formes nominales d'adresse’, varient d'une langue et d'une culture à l'autre, ce qui peut engendrer certains problèmes dans les échanges interculturels. Cet article présente les grandes lignes d'une recherche collective portant sur la description de ces FNA envisagées dans une perspective contrastive. Après avoir examiné le cas des interactions dans les petits commerces en France et dans différents pays arabophones, on présentera quelques résultats plus généraux qui ressortent de cette recherche en cours.

This study investigates the hypothesis of young people having the multi-skills required to switch between formal and informal communication. We collected samples of the written output of students across different media and communication situations. The results obtained through dictation tests show that the students’ level is relatively low, with a majority of grammatical errors. The analysis of linguistic forms common to the corpora indicates that all the participants use traditional spelling in at least one of them. Lastly, we present a qualitative analysis of spelling variation and an overview of the teenagers’ linguistic representations.

We consider recent Government-Binding work on sentential negation, e.g. by Pollock, and evaluate a fundamental assumption made about the syntax of negative clauses. While accepting that ne is generated as the head of NegP, we reject the dual claim that pas is characteristically: (a) a maximal projection, and (b) base-generated as the specifier of ne. We offer a three-sided argument against such an analysis, invoking: (a) the incompatibility of the proposal with the status of pas as a nominal; (b) the interaction between pas, etc, and indefinite direct objects; and (c) the syntax of ‘adverbials’. We go on to consider Obenauer's work on ‘quantification at a distance’ and Battye's work on ‘nominal quantification’. On the basis of this work, we posit that pas is generated lower in clause structure, either VP-adjoined or as the head of a determiner-less direct object DP.

Poursuivant un ensemble de travaux développés à Paris III sur les relations entre énonciation et intonation dans le français oral spontané, je presénte ici quelques hypoth`ses nouvelles sur la valeur énonciative de ces variations. Je propose de considérer que le point le plus haut de la plage intonative du locuteur montre que les deux participants du dialogue sont impliqués dans le point de vue qui est développée (ce qui se produit entre autres à la finale du «theme» ou de l'interrogation totale), alors que les niveaux inférieurs de la plage intonative signifient que le locuteur développe un point de vue qui lui est personnel et qui ne met pas en jeu une pensée autre (ceci se produit entre autres à la finale d'une assertion ou d'une injonction). Je propose aussi de considérer qu'il y a un niveau neutre de Fo, où se situent les hésitations et les incises (lorsque le locuteur juge nécessaire d'ajouter des gloses sur ce qu'il est en train d'énoncer).

This article addresses the question of gender bias observed in constructed examples of French syntax articles. Drawing our inspiration from Macaulay and Brice (1997) and Pabst et al. (2018)’s studies of English, we investigate the way women and men are depicted in constructed examples in syntax articles in French. We looked at grammatical functions, thematic roles and lexical choices and found a strong male bias in the use of gendered noun phrases (i.e. more references to men than to women; men are more likely to be in a subject position as well as being referred to via pronouns, and more likely to be agents and experiencers). Furthermore, women and men are not related to the same lexical choices. Besides, since French is a grammatical gender language where masculine gender can also be intended as gender neutral, we designed a second study to investigate masculine marked noun phrases (ambiguous masculines, AMs). When we compared AM noun phrases to female and male arguments in terms of grammatical functions and thematic roles, we found that, in production, they were different than true masculines. We discuss the implications of our results for the meaning of ‘gender neutral masculines’ and for practices anchoring gender discrimination.

This introductory article introduces the field of second language acquisition (SLA) to specialists in French linguistics who are not familiar with it. Its purpose is to present a map of the field which will then enable the reader to better situate the following in depth articles which present focused theoretical and empirical investigations as they apply to French. The first part summarises recent, and sometimes apparently contradictory, research findings. The second part explores the theoretical approaches which have been most influential in recent investigations, outlining where each of these approaches originates, and which aspects of the SLA process it investigates.

Cet article propose une analyse de quelques énoncés malédictifs en tant que marqueurs de croyances et de valeurs culturelles. L'étude est menée sur des corpus en français et en anglais issus de l'internet autour de ‘maudire’, ‘damn’ et ‘curse’. En interrogeant les particularités lexico-grammaticales de ces énoncés, en observant tour à tour leur valeur expressive, leur potentiel insultant, leur validation/invalidation interlocutive et les effets pragmatiques qu'ils préconisent, on finit par dégager une distinction au niveau de l'acte de langage lui-même: instrumental en français, où il vise l'intersubjectivation des émotions, vs. hostile en anglais, où le destinataire est directement interpellé et risque de perdre la face. Cette différence renvoie à des causalités socio-culturelles plus profondes (interdits, croyances, rapport aux émotions), mais aussi à des contraintes structurelles liées aux propriétés des lexèmes susmentionnés.

Study of a large number of aberrant verb forms (‘écarts de la norme’) in Canadian French reveals a variety of pressures, paradigm levelling, markedness reduction and iconicity in particular, affecting the inflectional structures. These verb forms, when seen in the light of the theoretical proposals of Natural Morphology, permit a ranking of naturalness principles within that approach and contribute to proposals for the resolution of ‘naturalness conflicts’.

Dans cet article, nous proposons une description du rôle de l'adverbenotamment dans la mise en œuvre des relations de discours, etplus particulièrement de la relation d’Elaboration.Cette dernière est, de façon informelle, la relation quis'établit entre un segment de discours apportant une informationgénérale et un segment de discours apportant une ou des informationsvenant spécifier cette information générale.

Notamment est un adverbe qui permet d'attirer l'attention sur un ouplusieurs éléments parmi un ensemble d'élémentsexplicitement cité ou sous-entendu. Lorsque notamment porte surun syntagme verbal, nous allons montrer que notamment permet d'attirerl'attention sur une éventualité parmi un ensembled'éventualités explicitement cité ou sous-entendu. Nous verronsalors que son rôle dans la mise en œuvre des relations de discoursdiffère selon que l'ensemble est précédemment explicitementcité ou sous-entendu.

The extent to which gender neutral and gendered nouns impact differently upon native French speakers’ gender representations was examined through a yes-no forced choice task. Swiss (Experiment 1) and Québec (Experiment 2) French-speaking participants were presented with word pairs composed of a gendered first name (e.g., Thomas) and a role (e.g., doctor), and tasked to indicate whether they believed that [first name] could be one of the [role]. Roles varied according to gender stereotypicality (feminine, masculine, non-stereotyped), and were either in a plural masculine (interpretable as generic) or gender neutral (epicenes and group nouns) form. The results indicated that the use of gender neutral forms of roles avoided a strong male bias found for the masculine forms, and that both gender neutral and masculine forms used equal cognitive resources. Further, stereotype effects associated with both gender-neutral and grammatically masculine forms were quite small (<1%). These results were highly reliable across both Swiss French and Québec speakers. Our study suggests that gender neutral forms are strong alternatives to the use of the masculine form as default value.

This study investigates the variation in the expression of Future Temporal Reference in text messages in Belgian and Québécois French. Three variants are considered: the Futurate Present, the Synthetic Future and the Analytic Future. The results of multivariate analyses show that the use of the Futurate Present does not appear to be subject to dialectal variation: both communities use this variant at similar rates, and the use of the variant is constrained by the same linguistic factors. The two dialects show differences in their choice of the Synthetic vs the Analytic Future. Unlike Québécois French, Belgian French strongly favours the Synthetic Future. The two dialects also differ with respect to the linguistic constraints in effect. Our analysis shows the need to explore the relationship between variants, and to distinguish between Covert T (realized as Present tense) and Overt T (either Synthetic or Analytic Future). Our results point toward the hybrid nature of text messages: while our results show patterns of use in line with oral/conversational corpora as reflected by the dialectal variation observed, text messages are not exempt from the influence of written French, as shown by the use of Synthetic Future forms in affirmative sentences in the Québec corpus.

This article examines a range of predicate- and proposition-anaphoric phenomena in French, chiefly involving the ‘neuter’ clitic pronouns le, y and en, from the point of view of their discourse motivation. One aim is to characterise the relatively little-studied phenomenon of ‘non-discrete’ reference in discourse. Another is to determine the extent to which the speaker\ writer can use an anaphoric expression in such a way as to ‘release’ the predicative element from within a co-occuring functionally non-perdicative expression or sequence, or to asssign a ‘third order’ entity status as a mutually validated fact to what in context has been interpreted as a predication. Such uses constitute what I am calling the ‘discourse-operator’ function which anaphoric expressions may fulfil in the appropriate discourse context. The speacker\writer's ability to use predicate anaphors in this kind of the way is constrained by the meta-discursive criterion of coherence.

Cet article constitue une tentative d'analyse d'un emploi peu étudié de l'imparfait – l'imparfait préludique – tel qu'il a été observé dans les énoncés authentiques prononcés par une petite fille en situation de jeu. À partir de la description du contexte ainsi que du co-texte, nous essayons d'expliquer en quoi la valeur aspectuo-temporelle de l'imparfait répond parfaitement aux contraintes linguistiques et situationnelles de cet usage; puis de mieux comprendre les raisons de cet emploi chez l'enfant observé en évaluant tour à tour deux hypothèses proposées dans la littérature (reality-switching ou self-effacement) pour rendre compte de l'effet modal produit par l'imparfait dans ce tour.

Discussions of absolute and relative tense often focus on the futur antérieur (FA), which has variously been descibed as a tense, aspect and mood. In order to assess its place in the French verbal system, an analysis of a written media-based corpus was carried out. This revealed that, although relatively rare, FA functions as a tense-aspect with some modal values in a range of publications and a variety of newspaper text types. Furthermore, its use as an epistemic modal and as an equivalent to passé composé (PC), as discussed in recent literature, appears to fulfil a significant function in journalistic writing.

Cet article explicite les points de départ théoriques de la réunion d’études empiriques présentée ici. Une première partie oppose « émergence » et « évolution » et précise en quoi l’approche émergentiste peut être stimulante pour aborder des faits d’usage transitoires qui se signalent par leur lien fort avec le discours. Une deuxième partie étudie les termes circulant actuellement dans la terminologie linguistique, et justifie le choix de modalisateur par rapport, notamment, à marqueur discursif. La dernière partie présente les études de cas réunies et formule l’enjeu de la recherche, à la fois sur la diachronie et sur les manières d’aborder la langue.

The article examines the variable distribution of word-final consonant devoicing (=WFCD) among working-class speakers in the Roubaix district, with respect to phonological conditioning and speaker characteristics. WFCD is shown to affect coronals, labials and velars in that order, and to be favoured by pre-pausal position. Among speakers over forty-five WFCD is primarily associated with female speakers, and to a lesser degree with male speakers under thirty. This sociolinguistically unusual distribution of a strongly vernacular variant may plausibly be attributed to language/dialect contact consequent on the immigration of Flemish-speaking textile workers. Such language contact would have tended to reinforce an already existing characteristic of Picard patois rather than introducing a totally new feature as the brief review of other Picard varie-ties would suggest.

Dans des enchaînements que l'on interprète adversativement, comme L'homme est né libre, et partout il est dans les fers (Rousseau, Du contrat social), le choix de et (plutôt que pourtant ou mais qui marqueraient l'opposition) n'est pas anodin. En conjoignant des prédications contradictoires au moyen de et, on transmet implicitement un genre d’«émotion» (ici une incrimination). Ce jugement de valeur véhiculé implicitement par l'enchaînement de deux énonciations est sans doute un des ressorts de l'expressivité (notion rarement définie) dont la parataxe est réputée être l'auxiliaire. Ces contradictions sont des stratégies raisonnables, dans la mesure où elles visent un implicite que l'allocutaire devra reconstruire lui-même pour surmonter ce qui, en apparence, constitue un paradoxe.

We follow the trajectory of a change in progress in Québec French. The study is based on interviews with speakers born between 1895 and 1965. The results show an increase in conditional morphology in the si-clauses of hypothetical complexes. After WWII, the conditional becomes the quantitative norm. The analysis of a number of demographic and socio-economic factors reveals that the usage likely originated in the working class male group. Today, use of the conditional is generalised in the community and it is the preferred form for the younger speakers; only the most educated hold on to the old rule.

Si l'on examine les études linguistiques et chapitres de grammaires consacrés au subjonctif français, ou des ouvrages généraux qui se réfèrent à ce mode, on découvre fréquemment un même principe qui conditionne l'analyse: une forme linguistique n'a de sens que s'il existe un ‘choix’. Le subjonctif n'aurait donc aucune signification là où il est obligatoire. Nous nous proposons ici, après un bref survol d'auteurs qui s'en inspirent, de soumettre ce principe à la critique, afin de démontrer qu'il recouvre de multiples confusions conceptuelles et entraîne des conséquences inacceptables pour l'explication du subjonctif, la morphosyntaxe et, plus généralement, la démarche du linguiste ainsi que les propriétés universelles postulées pour le langage.

The raw data for any second language acquisition research, namely interlanguage corpora, are one of our most expensive resources to collect. New methodologies now make it relatively easy to share this resource, by storing digitised soundfiles and transcripts on the Internet, thus making oral interlanguage corpora accessible to other L2 researchers.

The article first discusses the possibilities offered by new methodologies, in terms of data storage, management and data analysis, and it then presents current efforts to develop web-based access to French oral interlanguage corpora of learners at different levels and with different backgrounds.

Finally, the article presents a short inventory of the French interlanguage oral corpora currently available, indicating in each case the author and main outputs to date, as well as providing information about the learners, the format of the corpus (e.g. longitudinal versus cross-sectional data; transcription conventions) and its accessibility to users.