Este artículo, el primero de una serie de dos, analiza la investigación actual sobre el acoso en la arqueología que ha dado forma a la disciplina desde finales de 1800. A partir de la década de 1970, el acoso se reconoce como un factor significativo que afecta la equidad de género. Investigaciones cualitativas y cuantitativas recientes han verificado que el acoso ocurre a tasas epidémicas, en tanto les arqueólogues son acosades, principalmente por otres arqueólogues, y esto ocurre no sólo en entornos de investigación de campo, sino también en aulas, laboratorios, museos, lugares de trabajo y conferencias. Aunque las mujeres en la arqueología experimentan acoso con mayor frecuencia, las cifras de hombres como de mujeres informan de acoso en proporciones inquietantemente altas. Les arqueólogues de color, LGBTQIA+, no binarios y con discapacidades también son hostigades de manera desproporcionada. Como se refleja en las propias experiencias de la autora, el acoso crea una carga cognitiva para les sobrevivientes y reduce el acceso a oportunidades profesionales, impactando directamente en la diversidad dentro de la arqueología. Afortunadamente, existen intervenciones y políticas basadas en evidencia que pueden reducir esta práctica y apoyar a les sobrevivientes, lo que se analiza en el segundo artículo, “Contra las culturas del acoso en la arqueología: Enfoques socioambientales y basados en el trauma para la transformación disciplinaria”.

Se presentan los resultados del recorrido de superficie realizado en la comunidad de Santo Domingo Tonaltepec en la Mixteca Alta de Oaxaca, en el que se identificaron y registraron 43 nuevos sitios arqueológicos datados a las fases Ramos (alrededor de los 300 aC hasta los 250 dC), Las Flores (aproximadamente 250-900 dC) y Natividad (aproximadamente 900-1521 dC). Estos nuevos sitios se contextualizan en el ámbito regional al relacionarlos con los sitios urbanos identificados para cada una de estas fases en los valles adyacentes de Coixtlahuaca, Nochixtlán, Tamazulapan y Teposcolula. Basados en estos datos, consideramos que Tonaltepec se encontró relativamente aislado y fuera del control de los sitios urbanos tempranos durante Ramos; que se transformó en un asentamiento fronterizo entre las entidades políticas durante la fase Las Flores; y que aprovechó los beneficios de localizarse sobre la ruta de comunicación entre importantes reinos mixtecos durante Natividad. La localización de Tonaltepec, relativamente lejos de los principales valles, pero a la vez entre ellos, le otorgó ventajas que supo aprovechar a través de la historia de desarrollo político de la región.

La adaptación de los mayas postclásicos a las nuevas condiciones de vida surgidas a raíz de la crisis generalizada del final del período Clásico mediante respuestas resilientes se ha convertido en un tema de creciente interés por parte de los investigadores mayistas en las últimas décadas. El estudio de vestigios arqueológicos adscritos al Postclásico puede ayudar a entender por qué ciertas tradiciones fueron abandonadas, mientras que otras han perdurado a lo largo del tiempo, como es el caso de las ceremonias del culto a la lluvia. Ejemplo de ello son los hallazgos de ofrendas y otros vestigios arquitectónicos realizados en Chilonché, un antiguo asentamiento urbano maya fundado en la cuenca del río Mopán (Petén), cuya arquitectura y manifestaciones artísticas son un fiel exponente de la importancia política que tuvo el sitio en su dilatado período de ocupación. Los resultados de esta investigación, que combina los estudios arqueológicos y arquitectónicos con los análisis arqueométricos e iconográficos de las piezas cerámicas exhumadas, permiten afirmar que las ofrendas postclásicas halladas en un palacio de la acrópolis de Chilonché están íntimamente ligadas al acto de verter agua y a la imagen de Chaahk, y por lo tanto a rituales vinculados a la lluvia.

The early colonial period witnessed new scales of connectivity and unprecedented projects of resource extraction across the Spanish Americas. Yet such transformations also drew heavily on preexisting Indigenous landscapes, technologies, and institutions. Drawing together recent discussions in archaeology and geography about mobility and resource materialities, this article takes the early colonial route as a central object of investigation and contributes to new emerging interpretive frameworks that make sense of Spanish colonialism in the Americas as a variable, large-scale, and materially constituted process. Using three case studies—the ruta de Colón on the island of Hispaniola, the routes connecting the southeastern Caribbean islands with mainland South America, and the ruta de la plata in the south-central Andes—we develop a comparative archaeological analysis that reveals divergent trajectories of persistence, appropriation, and erasure in the region's routes and regimes of extraction and mobility during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries.

This article presents a high-resolution chronology of Wairajirca pottery in the Huánuco basin, which has been identified as a frontier region between the Andean highlands and the Amazonian rain forests: its pottery is known for having mixed features from both areas. However, the lack of fine-grained pottery and radiocarbon datasets has handicapped comparative studies’ attempts to track in detail its early development process. Our new high-resolution chronology of Wairajirca pottery is based on stratigraphic excavation data, a detailed ceramic typology, and a Bayesian analysis of the radiocarbon date from the Jancao site. The five-staged ceramic sequence from the late eighteenth to late twelfth century cal BC displays specific features of this development, including radical changes in vessel type over several centuries and connections with other pottery traditions. The earliest phase shows close relation with highlands traditions, whereas the influence of tropical rain forest patterns intensified in later phases alongside the continuation of local pottery traditions. This indicates that frontier dynamics based on fluid interactions across different ecological zones and regional sociopolitical movements played a crucial role in this long-term social process.

Investigations at sites across northwestern Honduras—inside and outside the Maya area—have revealed diverse food activities and ingredients. Paralleling the evidence from durable artifact assemblages, we see transformation over time in materials and practices, as well as the movement of elements across the landscape. Botanical evidence points toward a dynamic overlap between northern and southern societies, with northwestern Honduras serving as a sort of regional crossroads. In this article, we compare cuisines from several ancient communities in northwestern Honduras, using microbotanical and macrobotanical residues. We briefly address the political and historic context of the region and provide abridged biographies of several culinary taxa. Of particular interest are milpa annual crops such as maize and squash, managed and cultivated palm species, wild and managed herbaceous species, edible fruit species, and root and tuberous crops such as lerén, sweet potato, and manioc.

Este trabajo discute las estrategias vinculadas al aprovechamiento de animales durante dos ocupaciones del sitio San Francisco Inca (puna transicional de Chaschuil, Catamarca, Argentina): una incaica (ca. siglos catorce y quince dC) y otra preincaica (ca. siglos diez a trece dC). Los grupos agropastoriles preincaicos que ocuparon estacionalmente el sitio desarrollaron una estrategia de diversificación, intensificación y almacenamiento de los recursos de origen animal para hacer frente a la impredecibilidad puneña y al contexto regional de restricción ambiental. Esta incluyó la caza de vicuñas, la tendencia a evitar el sacrificio de llamas durante dicha ocupación, el procesamiento relativamente intensivo de partes de bajo retorno de los camélidos, el secado de elementos del esqueleto axial y, posiblemente, el consumo diferido de la médula ósea de los metapodios. Durante la ocupación incaica, el Estado organizó festines para legitimar su presencia en la región y sirvió comidas basadas fundamentalmente en los recursos brindados por animales silvestres capturados localmente (vicuñas y, en menor proporción, roedores, aves y guanacos). Además, se plantea la posibilidad de que en dichos eventos festivos se hayan realizado sacrificios de llamas y producido carne seca para su consumo diferido en otros pisos altitudinales o para el intercambio.

Most archaeological research on the impact of Inka imperialism at the domestic level centers on the intrusion of Inka-style buildings into pre-Inka domestic settlements as transforming the experience of domestic life and actively hindering interhousehold interaction. Results from excavations in the site of Ampugasa in Huarochirí (Lurín valley, Lima, Peru) show that pre-Inka residential spaces (patio-groups) were replaced by enclosures with a single access to an internal patio for domestic activities. My analysis shows that pre-Inka houses were ritually closed, directly connected to the site's ritual core, and remained part of the everyday life experience of people in the settlement. I argue that Ampugasa's transformation corresponds to a pattern of Inka imperialism in Huarochirí that enshrined rather than erased the collective ritual practices through which the people of Huarochirí maintained a broad regional identity. I propose that the interplay between Inka transformation of domestic space in Ampugasa and the continuity of ritual and secular practices among the site's inhabitants shows a space of negotiation where Inka imperialism still relied heavily on local practices that fostered the continuity of collective identities.

The contents, context, and date of Problematical Deposit 50 bear on the origin, function, and meaning of Teotihuacan stylistic traits in the Southern Maya Lowlands. Archaeological data and material culture research appear to support emulation and adaptation by local rulers and elites, while an actual presence of Teotihuacanos is asserted by epigraphy and iconography. PD 50, the partial contents of a probable Early Classic chamber burial, appears to support local emulation, but an extraordinary pottery vessel, nicknamed here the “Arrival Bowl,” implies direct contact. The chronology and archaeological context demonstrate that the appearance of Teotihuacan stylistic traits at Tikal during the later Early Classic period is functionally distinct from the goods distributed over an interregional interaction sphere of much longer duration in which both Central Mexico and the Maya area participated. Furthermore, together with other features at Tikal, PD 50 suggests that adoption of Teotihuacan ideology by Tikal's elite was eventually met with resistance that contributed to the violence at the end of the Early Classic period that is manifested in the archaeological record.

Investigations at the site of Huacas de Moche—also referred to as Huacas del Sol and de la Luna—on the north coast of Peru show a continuous occupational sequence from around AD 100 to 1500. The longest occupation corresponds to the Moche culture from around AD 100 to 850. Based on available archaeological evidence, this article examines the impact of an El Niño-like event in AD 600 on the history of Huacas de Moche. Widely held hypotheses assumed that this kind of climatic event caused the abandonment of the site; however, such explanations do not fit the current data. After almost three decades of research, archaeological evidence indicates that after the El Niño-like phenomenon of AD 600, the Old Temple of Huaca de la Luna was closed down, and the New Temple was built toward the east of the previous one, on the same slope of Cerro Blanco. Furthermore, on the opposite side of the site, the building called Huaca del Sol experienced its last and greatest architectural expansion, becoming a large-scale palace. These new lines of evidence lead us to reassess the effect that the El Niño-like phenomenon of AD 600 had on the development of the Moche culture at the site.

Excavators working in a ceremonial plaza group in the Classic period Lowland Maya city of Caracol, Belize, encountered thousands of pieces of chert and obsidian scattered above a royal tomb. A recent analysis of the chert from this context confirms that the assemblage included pieces from each stage of reduction in the production of blades. Taken together, the quantity of both chert and obsidian makes it the largest reported collection of lithic debitage found at the site and provides insight into the techniques of lithic crafters at Caracol. In this article, we consider the sequence of actions involved in the burial of a high-ranking individual and suggest that the layering of flaked stone above the tomb is reminiscent of other reported above-tomb contexts in the Maya Lowlands. Further, a technological analysis of this collection produced results similar to analyses of assemblages typically found in crafting-intensive residential groups. This finding suggests that lithic crafters throughout the city of Caracol donated flaked stone material for funerary events, providing a protective layer and sealing the grave below.

Inspired by life course and osteobiography approaches, this article explores the life and death of an individual associated with the lakam title (“banner” in Colonial Yukatek Maya; thus, a “standard-bearer”), a nonroyal elite of Late Classic period Maya society (AD 600–850). Although these elites are depicted on polychrome vessels and carved monuments, little is known about their life experiences and mortuary practices. The present analysis centers on an individual found at Structure GZ1, a temple with a hieroglyphic stairway, at the Maya archaeological site of El Palmar, Mexico. Using osteological, archaeological, and epigraphic data as different lines of evidence, we examine the relationship of the individual to his affiliated group. At the time of interment, there were a wide array of social, cultural, and political events both shaping and reshaping the body and identities of the individual during a period of political turbulence.

We revisit the age and typological character of “Pox Pottery” that was reported in the 1960s by Charles Brush who considered it to be uniquely early (~2440 BC). Investigating the same two sites in coastal Guerrero where Brush excavated, we recovered Early Formative ceramics, some with the “pox” attribute. Here, we report potsherd frequencies for these deposits at both sites according to regional ceramic typologies, as well as AMS 14C dates used to establish a Bayesian stratigraphic chronology for each site to better constrain the age of these Early Formative period deposits. We argue that “Pox Pottery” is not a ceramic type per se and that the “pox” attribute occurs in multiple Early Formative period ceramic types. The earliest pottery is similar to other Red-on-Buff ceramic traditions from the Central Mexican Highlands and west of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. Our chronological work demonstrates that these ceramics date between 1820 and 1400 cal BC, consistent with other recent studies indicating an early age of Red-on-Buff ceramics and suggesting shared cultural traditions distinct from the contemporary Locona interaction sphere that emerged in parallel.

The attribution of osteological remains of a bird discovered in Preceramic deposits at Nemocón IV rockshelter (Sabana de Bogotá, Colombia) to Ara sp. (macaws) is confirmed through osteological and morphometrical analyses. Thirteen bones were recovered from two adjacent, arbitrary excavation levels; and are considered the remains of a single individual because of the rarity of the taxon, their similar size and taphonomic alteration, and the presence of paired elements. Radiocarbon dating of the macaw reveals it comes from the ninth millennium cal BP, the oldest date recorded from Nemocón IV. Paleoenvironmental data suggest that, during the deposition of the Preceramic levels at Nemocón IV, climatic conditions were close to those of today. The modern range of the macaws is outside these climatic parameters, and all modern Ara species are allochthonous to the Sabana de Bogotá, indicating the archaeological macaw was also allochthonous in Preceramic times. Analysis of the remains shows the macaw was not dismembered, so it is unlikely that it was used as food. Early conquest records indicate macaws were traded and maintained outside their natural ranges as pets, as a source of feathers, for use in rituals, or for a combination of uses.

This study investigates the impact of the Aztec Triple Alliance on trade and economic activity in the region of Puebla-Tlaxcala during the Late Postclassic period (AD 1200–1519). Ethnohistorical sources describe the Aztec Triple Alliance as constantly at war with settlements in the Tlaxcala region. To weaken their Tlaxcalteca rivals, the Aztecs imposed a trade blockade to reduce the flow of resources into Puebla-Tlaxcala. This article uses archaeological evidence to evaluate the effectiveness of this blockade. It compares the types of obsidian used to manufacture lithic tools from Aztec-controlled sources with those used within Puebla-Tlaxcala. Information from the large center of Tepeticpac and the small obsidian workshop site of Cinco Santos II, both in the Tlaxcala domain, are compared to other sites in Central Mexico prior to and during the height of Aztec influence. The results show little difference in regional trade patterns: obsidian from Sierra de las Navajas and Otumba was used in proportions in the Tlaxcala region in the Late Postclassic similar to those used during earlier periods. If an embargo was attempted, it was largely unsuccessful in isolating Tlaxcala from broader regional distribution networks.

Las escenas de los bajorrelieves del Templo Norte de Chichén Itzá han sido investigadas durante muchas décadas, y los estudiosos han coincidido en que ilustran el ritual de inauguración del nuevo rey o gobernante, quien atraviesa diversos desafíos y ordalías y quien se distingue por portar un turbante de serpiente. En este artículo ampliamos esta idea y argumentamos que la iconografía del Templo Norte muestra rituales particulares que también son descritos en una de las historias del Chilam Balam de Chumayel, que refiere a la entronización del famoso príncipe Hunac Ceel de Mayapán. Además, presentamos datos y consideraciones adicionales que nos llevan a proponer que Chichén Itzá, durante el período Postclásico temprano, tuvo un sistema de gobernanza dual jerarquizado, que más tarde continuó en Mayapán, sobreviviendo a la conquista española en el reino de Petén Itzá.

The Late Intermediate period in the south-central Andes is known for the widespread use of open sepulchres called chullpas by descent-based ayllus to claim rights to resources and express idealized notions of how society should be organized. Chullpas, however, were rarer on the coast, with the dead often buried individually in closed tombs. This article documents conditions under which these closed tombs were used at the site of Quilcapampa on the coastal plain of southern Peru, allowing an exploration into the ways that funerary traditions were employed to both reflect and generate community affiliation, ideals about sociopolitical organization, and land rights. After a long hiatus, the site was reoccupied and quickly expanded through local population aggregation and highland migrations. An ayllu organization that made ancestral claims to specific resources was poorly suited to these conditions, and the site's inhabitants instead seem to have organized themselves around the ruins of Quilcapampa's earlier occupation. In describing what happened in Quilcapampa, we highlight the need for a better understanding of the myriad ways that Andean peoples used mortuary customs to structure the lives of the living during a period of population movements and climate change.

We present stable isotope and osteological data from human remains at Paloma, Chilca I, La Yerba III, and Morro I that offer new evidence for diet, lifestyle, and habitual mobility in the first villages that proliferated along the arid Pacific coast of South America (ca. 6000 cal BP). The data not only reaffirm the dietary primacy of marine protein for this period but also show evidence at Paloma of direct access interactions between the coast and highlands, as well as habitual mobility in some parts of society. By locating themselves at the confluence of diverse coastal and terrestrial habitats, the inhabitants of these early villages were able to broaden their use of resources through rounds of seasonal mobility, while simultaneously increasing residential sedentism. Yet they paid little substantial health penalty for their settled lifestyles, as reflected in their osteological markers of stature and stress, compared with their agriculturalist successors even up to five millennia later. Contrasting data for the north coast of Chile indicate locally contingent differences. Considering these data in a wider chronological context contributes to understanding how increasing sedentism and population density laid the foundations here for the emergence of Late Preceramic social complexity.

In this article, we present the most significant results of the Monte Albán Geophysical Archaeology Project. Using ground-penetrating radar, gradiometry, and electrical resistance, we carried out a systematic survey of the site's Main Plaza to identify buried prehispanic features that might shed light on Monte Albán's early history. The most important discoveries include three buried structures dating between the Danibaan (500–300 BC) and Nisa phases (100 BC–AD 100). We argue that the largest structure, measuring 18 × 18 m, was probably a temple platform and that all three of the structures were razed and buried by the end of the Nisa phase at the latest. Furthermore, we contend that these events were part of a major renovation and expansion of the site's Main Plaza that occurred during a pivotal period of dramatic sociopolitical transformation in the Zapotec capital.