This article investigates whether equity is achieved in health service utilisation by children and young people aged 0–19 years. Data from the British General Household Survey 1991–4 is used to examine the influence of ethnicity, along with social class, housing tenure, family structure and employment of parents on the use of general practitioner, outpatient and inpatient services. Health status is the most powerful predictor of use for each health service and there is no evidence of socioeconomic inequalities. However, a clear ‘ethnic paradox’ persists after controlling for socioeconomic and demographic factors. South Asian children have a higher utilisation of GP services than any other ethnic group, but the use of hospital services is lower for children in all minority ethnic groups relative to the white population. Possible explanations for this paradox are examined in relation to indirect indicators of service quality. There is no evidence to suggest that South Asian children visit the doctor more frequently for a given illness episode than white children, but having a non-UK- born mother is associated with increased consultation and reduced use of outpatient services relative to UK-born South Asian parents.

The ‘welfare modelling business’ has been at the heart of comparative social policy analysis but debate has largely proceeded on the basis that coherent national welfare states exist. This assumption was always problematic but globalisation processes have added a further dimension to this debate. In particular, geographers and sociologists have pointed to the increasing power of global cities that act as co-ordinating hubs for the global economy. Though residing in nation states, these cities have a special status flowing from their central role in the global economy. Little attempt has been made to explore the implications of these cities for welfare regimes and welfare regime analysis. This paper addresses this under explored issue and suggests there are strong overlaps between global city types and welfare types.

The article discusses government policies towards unemployed people in the context of the development of ‘fair employment’ policy in Northern Ireland. It presents results from a survey of long-term unemployed people in West Belfast which challenge the direction and content of existing training and employment schemes, and their capacity to address inequalities in unemployment between Catholics and Protestants. The article argues that current supply side labour market policies are having limited impact in Northern Ireland and goes on to explore policies to influence labour demand. On the basis of interviews with employers, a number of policies are advocated, including giving priority to recruitment of long-term unemployed people in areas of high unemployment by means of making grant aid conditional.

This article derives from a two year study of ‘Home Supervision’, conducted as part of a programme of research on the Children (Scotland) Act 1995. The focus is on children looked after by the local authority who are on a legal supervision order at home, primarily as a consequence of having been abused or neglected, having offended or having failed to attend school without reasonable excuse. Two assumptions, both arguably a legacy of Lipsky, are challenged: first, that non-implementation by street-level bureaucrats is in opposition to their managers; and, second, the passivity of clients in respect of policy making. It is argued that the street-level bureaucrats and managers in the Home Supervision study share assumptive worlds in respect of children on home supervision, and that clients, as agentic actors, reveal a capacity for shaping policy at the implementation stage. These issues are explored and their implications for implementation studies and child welfare are discussed.

The article suggests that self-reflexive participation should be considered a distinct form of client participation. Self-reflexive participation is an individualized form of participation that occurs through a development-oriented dialogue between the client and a practitioner. In this dialogue, clients reflect on themselves, set goals for the future and devise strategies, thereby improving their self-regulatory potentials. The article discusses important differences between self-reflexive participation and democratic, consumerist and co-productive participation in terms of the form participation takes, the aim of participation, the client role, the resources required from clients to participate, the assumed relationship between the agency and the client and organizational responsiveness. Self-reflexive participation is based on a view of the client as capable and reflexive and it may foster a tailoring of social services to the wishes and life-projects of clients. However, self-reflexive participation is based on the assumption that clients can be empowered through improved skills of self-observation and life-planning. When focus is on these skills, it may gloss over important conflicts between clients and agency and detach questions of client participation from organizational responsiveness and struggles over user control.

There is a burgeoning literature that suggests that, across a number of social policy domains, ‘Scotland is different’. Hitherto however, race equality policy has been largely overlooked and this article addresses this within the context of recent and historical developments in a devolved policy context. Adopting a mixed-method case-study analysis, including thirty-two semi-structured interviews with civil society and Scottish Government, the article shows how policy actors lack a consensus on the underlying causes of racial inequality, in ways that may impede policy making. In this sense, the article shows how Scotland ‘orbits’ around existing settlements, rather than necessarily setting off in a new course that goes beyond the fact of contingency. The implications of this analysis have a much broader relevance, including an account of how race equality policy opportunities encounter political obstacles, in a way that bears both specific and generalizable qualities. These include the role of policy coalitions in holding and promoting a coherent set of positions, the particularity of race as an idea or ‘cognitive problem’, and how prevailing narratives about national identities can feed into this process.

There is concern that current UK policy and intervention aimed at supporting fathers remains primarily informed by dominant White middle-class values and experiences, and therefore fails to respond adequately to the needs of Britain's diverse fathers. This paper contributes to understanding of ethnic diversity in fathering contexts, practices and experiences, by reporting findings from a qualitative study of British Asian fathers, involving in-depth interviews with fifty-nine fathers and thirty-three mothers from Bangladeshi Muslim, Pakistani Muslim, Gujarati Hindu and Punjabi Sikh background, and over eight additional respondents engaged through Key Informant interviews, ethnographic interviews and group discussions. The paper highlights four areas that require greater recognition by policy-makers and practitioners to appropriately meet the needs of fathers from diverse ethnic and socio-economic backgrounds. These are: recognising that fathers and mothers do not necessarily constitute an autonomous unit; appreciating diversity in fathers’ understandings of desirable child outcomes; addressing additional obstacles to achieving similar outcomes for children; and understanding that the boundaries and content of fathering are not universally recognised. Policies that are less normative and more responsive to diversity are essential to ensure that all fathers can be effectively supported.

Job creation programmes aim at increasing the employability of hard-to-place unemployed, and eventually integrating them into employment. Yet, previous evaluation studies have been pessimistic about their efficacy. For One-Euro-Jobs, a job creation programme for welfare benefit recipients in Germany, previous evaluations found unfavourable effects particularly for easier-to-place participants. Thus, in 2012 the legislator reformed the programme in order to target the hard-to-place more accurately. This study is the first post-reform evaluation of One-Euro-Jobs. We find that, although the programme is indeed better targeted than before, One-Euro-Jobs decrease participants’ employment chances within three years after programme entry. These outcomes are worse than those found for pre-reform participants. We cannot conclude with certainty whether the reform decreased the programme’s efficacy, but we identify channels through which the reform and other contemporaneous changes may have done so. These channels include changes in programme design features, changes in business-cycle conditions, and prolonged lock-in effects due to “programme careers”. To substantiate the latter explanation, we also provide novel evidence that One-Euro-Jobs seem to initiate programme careers.

This article attempts to describe a major debate in turn of the century social reform through a close reading of the published works of Charles Booth, J.A. Hobson, William Beveridge, A.C. Pigou and others. My aim is to reconstruct the emergence and elaboration of a theory of labour market disorganisation, understood as the absence of effective norms governing employment relationships in urban labour markets subject to chronic over-supply. In so doing I shall take issue with a tendency in the historiography of social policy to fragment this debate into the development of two distinct conceptual frameworks corresponding to the social problems of poverty and unemployment more or less as we know them today.

Although health inequalities in England reflect underlying deprivation, there is considerable variation among deprived areas in the extent to which these inequalities are narrowing. Using survey data from 15 local authority areas in North West England, and Ragin's technique of Qualitative Comparative Analysis, contextual features and ways of working in these areas are shown to combine in systematic ways with recent trends in inequalities as measured by premature mortality. For circulatory diseases, a narrowing mortality gap showed a clear association with smoking cessation services that accorded with a best practice description, combined with a local population with relatively more people aged 65 or older. For cancers, a narrowing mortality gap was associated with areas that combined relatively low population mobility with a professional working culture described as one of individual commitment and championing. These findings reveal the complexity of meeting health inequality targets and applying evidence to this endeavour, since both ways of working and context appear to be important to making progress. Both need to be understood case by case if targets are to be locally realistic and evidence applied where local practice is known to matter to the outcome.

To ask about a country's family policy is to ask how state action, government policies, are actually affecting families and the quality of family life – not just poor families, but all families in that country. French family policy is considered under three headings: (1) the political significance of the family in France, (2) the social security services designed to increase the economic viability of the family and to promote family welfare, and (3) the adjustment of French family policy to the changing economic situation and aspirations of ordinary families. Comparisons are drawn with British policies under each heading and the conclusion drawn that compared with Britain France has a more conscious, clearly defined concept of family policy, which finds expression firstly in statutory and voluntary institutions whose primary or even sole purpose is to promote the welfare of the family, and secondly, in a whole range of statutory benefits to which the parents of the nuclear family are entitled as of right.

It is commonly argued that democratic-welfare capitalist societies face a continual tension between market individualist and need-oriented welfare values. If this is so, the attempt by the British Conservative Government of the 1980s to administer a brisk restorative to the welfare state with a purging dose of market principles seems likely to generate a tenacious opposition. This paper uses the transfer of sick pay responsibilities to employers through the 1983 Statutory Sick Pay scheme as a case study, to examine with what success market-based ideologies have encroached on people's conceptions of welfare citizenship.

Research on the politics of social investment finds public opinion to be highly supportive of expansive reforms and expects this support to matter for the politics of expanding social investment. Expanding social investment, it is argued, should be particularly attractive to left-wing voters and parties because of the egalitarian potential of such policies. However, few studies have examined to what extent individual preferences concerning social investment really matter politically. In this paper, I address this research gap for the crucial policy field of childcare by examining how individual-level preferences for expanding childcare provision translate into voting behavior. Based on original survey data from eight European countries, I find that preferences to expand public childcare spending indeed translate into electoral support for the left. However, this link from preferences to votes turns out to be socially biased. Childcare preferences are much more decisive for voting the further up individuals are in the income distribution. This imperfect transmission from preferences to voting behavior implies that political parties could have incentives to target the benefits of childcare reforms to their more affluent voters. My findings help to explain why governments frequently fail to reduce social inequality of access to seemingly egalitarian childcare provision.

High levels of long-term unemployment have undermined some of the assumptions of the post-war welfare state. In response most OECD governments are now replacing what have been characterised as passive income support payments with active benefit systems. Many have introduced new time limits to unconditional benefit entitlement in the form of job and training guarantees for those without work. This article describes how the 1993–6 Australian Labor government modernised its commitment to full employment by combining labour market programmes and social security reforms to create a Job Compact for the long-term unemployed. It analyses the achievements of the strategy and what went wrong, and it draws out lessons of relevance to the British Labour government which has committed itself to using job guarantees to build new bridges between welfare and work.

This longitudinal study examined the association between heavy alcohol use, alcohol- and drug-screening requirements, and social support network variables and mothers' welfare participation in the United States. The study was a secondary data analysis of 3,517 mothers. The sample was extracted from National Longitudinal Survey of Youth data gathered in 1994–2004. Results of logistic regression show welfare participation is not associated with heavy alcohol use or alcohol- and drug-screening requirements, but is associated with a history of reported heavy alcohol use, informal help with childcare, and scant human capital. Results also indicate that alcohol- and drug screening required under TANF may not exclude heavy drinking mothers from TANF participation, and that social support networks do not cancel heavy drinking's association with participation. Policy implications are discussed.

This article examines the administrative response to one of the less obvious consequences of the depression of the 1930s: the rapid increase in the number of vagrants. Statistics and other evidence suggest a positive correlation between unemployment and vagrancy (measured by admissions to the poor law casual wards). Officials appear to have been unwilling to acknowledge this relationship. Yet, during this period, greater emphasis began to be placed on the rehabilitation of the vagrant, as opposed to the deterrence characteristic of the poor law. This was presented as a significant measure of reform – although, in practice, little change took place at this time. Research into departmental records, however, shows that this review of the treatment of the vagrant was a response to a process which had its roots in financial and administrative priorities.

This paper considers the explicit intentions and possible implications of the new phase of urban renewal policy now being developed in Britain under the Housing Act 1974. The details of the Act are seen in the context of the evolution of this type of social policy since the last war. The aims of this policy are to preserve certain ‘housing functions’ that are considered to be necessary components of the urban housing system, at the same time as relieving ‘housing stress’ and achieving the physical improvement of existing dwellings. A case study of an inner city improvement area in a provincial conurbation is used to suggest that it will be difficult to achieve all these aims at one time due to the inherent limitations of policies based on small areas. These limitations are seen as the consequence of a continuing effort to patch up the obvious shortcomings of existing policies without wishing to face the political and economic problems of a comprehensive housing policy.

As a result of the consolidation of democracy and the spread of globalisation, the Korean welfare regime has undergone significant changes. This article examines the changes that have occurred since the 1990s. Overall social policy has benefited from a marked increase in expenditure since the 1990s. This has been especially visible in terms of the ratio of social expenditures to GDP, which reached 11 per cent by 1998. These changes in Korean social policy brought about a readjustment of the roles of both government and the private sector. The development of income maintenance programmes has been the core change within the Korean welfare regime. Unlike income maintenance programmes, public social services have developed at a rather sluggish pace. The provision of social services has long been regarded as the responsibility of the family and has changed relatively little in comparison to income maintenance programmes. Although Korean social policy has undergone remarkable changes, it would be erroneous to argue that a complete shift in the welfare regime has taken place.

Passported benefits are additional benefits provided to individual or households based on a previous eligibility to a “primary” social security benefit. Although passported benefits should be easier to claim, in reality the claiming process is often cumbersome and results in low take-up. Drawing on an Israeli case study, we offer a conceptual framework to categorize and analyse the varieties of passported benefits along five dimensions: the eligibility role of primary cash benefits; automation level; legal status; type of service delivery; and the degree of decentralization. The administrative burden literature is employed to make sense of the paradox of passported benefits becoming a site for administrative burden. Using our conceptual framework and drawing on interviews with officials and claimants, we demonstrate why some passported benefits are more user-friendly while others tend to become administratively burdensome.