I propose that archaeologists, in pursuing a renewed interest in studying technological change, construct general theories and models of invention processes. As an example, this paper presents the “cascade” model for investigating invention processes in the context of “complex technological systems.” Building on the recognition that the vision of a new complex technological system is often obvious, the cascade model asserts that the hard work of invention takes place in a series of invention “cascades,” as people strive to achieve acceptable values of a new technology's core or critical performance characteristics during life-history processes (i.e., fashioning a prototype, replication or manufacture, use, and maintenance). The cascade model is illustrated by means of the nineteenth-century electromagnetic telegraph, and implications are drawn for studying invention processes in the complex technological systems of small-scale societies.

Pottery life-expectancy has important archaeological implications for such problems as population sizes and duration of occupancy of sites. Specific data are here given from four contemporary Mexican village households on durability of several kinds of ware. The most important factors determining life-expectancy appear to be basic strength of the ware, functions of different types of vessels, handling practices, relative costs, and kinds of breakage. It may be inferred that similar factors determine life-expectancy in many contemporary and archaeological communities.

This paper offers a new perspective for the study of prehistoric Pueblo political organization in the American Southwest. In reviewing salient developments in Puebloan archaeology over the last 20 years, we discuss shortcomings in previous studies that argued for either “simple” or “complex” societies without recognizing the potential for hierarchy and equality to coexist simultaneously in all human societies. An alternative approach is outlined that considers corporate and network strategies of political action as a continuum for examining the organizational structure of Southwestern societies. Consideration of the corporate-network dimension is not seen as a replacement for the dimension of hierarchy, but as an analog to it. We consider the utility of this approach in analyzing the community organization of historic Pueblos and argue that the corporate-network continuum may have “deep” time depth in the broader region of the Desert West. Our findings suggest that a diverse range of corporate and network strategies were employed among residents of pithouse villages (A.D. 200-900) and that the pithouse-to-pueblo transition (ca. A.D. 700-1000) marked a significant organizational shift to more corporate forms of political action that also characterize historic and modern Pueblos.

Experimental techniques have provided an exciting breakthrough for the functional analysis of Maya chultuns. While deep cistern-like chultuns, common at certain sites in the northern lowlands, have been shown to be functional for water storage, smaller lateral-chambered chultuns characteristic of certain parts of the southern lowlands probably had a very different function. Excavation and examination of the latter features, in light of a whole range of possibilities, suggest that they were constructed to be used for food storage. Experimental studies, however, reveal them to be unsuitable for the storage of most traditional foods, including maize. At least one local food crop, the seed of the ramon (Brosimum alicastrum, Moraceae), appears to be ideally suited for long-term storage under these conditions. Chambers constructed beneath platforms in the northern lowlands may have been used for the storage of maize. A need for more experimental work is indicated.

The band-macroband Early Archaic settlement model has had widespread use in Southeastern North American archaeology since its introduction some ten years ago (Anderson and Hanson 1988). Nevertheless, the model has undergone little critical testing. New data from Early Archaic assemblages in North Carolina and South Carolina are used to test the model's posited settlement range and site types. At issue is the role played by the limited distribution of high-quality knappable stone in Early Archaic adaptations. Contrary to the band-macroband model, it is suggested that high-quality tool stone played a more significant role in settlement adaptations than previously recognized. In particular, group mobility incorporated the geological occurrence of preferred tool stone. Moreover, it is argued that the level of tool curation in Early Archaic assemblages is telling us less about forager or collector site types than it is about the differential use of stone raw material. Last, a new settlement model is proposed whereby settlement ranges were not restricted to particular watersheds along the South Atlantic Slope; rather, settlement ranges “mapped on” to an area that varied annually across the landscape according to food availability but generally included regionally significant stone quarries.

In 1919, while exploring the basin of the Mariash or Pukcha River, one of the upper Amazon affluents, I found in Chavín de Huantar evidence of a culture that, up to then, had not been given due recognition. I proved that certain buildings and other products of aboriginal art found there belonged to a quite distinctive cycle of culture–that of the Chavín stone culture. Monolithic figures of serpents and felines, representing human heads, and stelae, obelisks, sundry utensils, and other objects decorated with incised or carved figures in plane, high or low relief, representing grotesque felines, serpents, fish, lizards and birds are the main features of this culture, whose area of diffusion had then been reconnoitered only in the provinces of Huari and Pomabama.

Ethnographic accounts of animal pulverization using stone grinding implements have led archaeologists to believe that this same behavior took place in the past. This important subsistence activity can now be confirmed through the immunological analysis of archaeological materials. Small-mammal blood-protein residue has been identified immunologically for the first time on milling equipment from two archaeological sites in southern California. Immunoprotein trace analysis has the potential for a wide range of applications in the study of prehistory.

Radiocarbon dates from marine mammal tissue present Arctic archaeologists with some difficult interpretive problems. These problems are so serious that McGhee and Tuck have even advocated omitting all sea mammal dates from the Eastern Arctic radiocarbon chronology. A flexible approach to interpreting sea mammal dates will allow researchers to use existing dates more effectively and to make future dates more reliable. Solving the problems with sea mammal dates requires: (1) abandoning the assumption that radiocarbon assays are quasi-absolute chronological indicators; (2) recognizing and understanding the sources of variability that affect these dates; (3) correcting for these sources of variability; and (4) developing a more flexible strategy for interpreting the resulting date sequence. A large table of radiocarbon dates from the Eastern Arctic provides the basis for demonstrating how these four steps can be accomplished. Applying this flexible approach also suggests directions and guidelines for future research.

Historical and archaeological evidence relating to Norse activities in the New World early in the second millennium A.D. is reviewed, together with archaeological evidence relating to contemporaneous aboriginal occupations of the regions probably reached by the Norse. The Norse probably contacted Indian populations in southern Labrador and Newfoundland, Dorset Palaeoeskimos in northern Labrador, and Thule Eskimos in Greenland and perhaps in the eastern Canadian Arctic. Speculation on the nature of relationsips between the Norse and these groups is presented, and it is concluded that occasional contacts involving both trade and plundering probably occurred over a period of several centuries. There is no evidence to indicate that these contacts had any major influence on aboriginal North American populations, and it is argued that such influences are unlikely to have occurred. The most important result of contact between these groups was the prevention of European colonization of the New World for half a millennium.

Manufacture and movement of pottery has a complex and changing history in the ancestral pueblo region. By the time great houses were being built in the Chaco sphere, four wares were in use and some areas were supplying large quantities of pots to the sites in Chaco Canyon. Widespread stylistic trends indicate mechanisms of communication and shared ideals over a huge area. Ceramics are an index of how large quantities of everyday items were transported more than 60 km to Chaco. The similarity of source and form assemblages at small sites and great houses demonstrates the close link between the two kinds of sites. The scale and layout of great houses and layering in great mounds associated with them are suggestive of periodic events that are components of Renfrew"s model of central Chaco as the location of devotional events. Scrutiny of layer contents indicates that such events were variable, and that lithics and ceramics from a single geographic source seem to be independently transported. Different areas may have been represented differently at different events, but layers always retain some of their complex composition of sources.

Four types of error are commonly associated with the basic problem of the time relationship that exists between the date of a tree-ring specimen and the archaeological manifestation being dated. These errors may sometimes be discovered and amended by using the clustering of dates and the clustering of archaeological traits. A secondary problem arises when lost exterior rings produce non-cutting dates in contrast to cutting dates. Tree-ring data may also be employed in deriving information of a non-chronological nature.

A major focus of archaeological field investigations over the past four decades in eastern North America has been the excavation of rockshelters. Many of the Southern highland rockshelters investigated during this period yielded evidence of initial occupations by Dalton horizon (10,500 to 10,000 B.P.) hunter-gatherers. Data concerning the Dalton components from a sample of 45 of these shelters are reviewed and discussed in order to identify variability in site functions and to address the question, Why were Dalton peoples the first North American hunter-gatherers to systematically inhabit rockshelters? Factors such as shifts in hunting patterns and mobility strategies appear to have been central to this development in early Holocene landscape utilization.

Carbon and nitrogen isotope ratios in collagen from bones of individuals who lived in the Tehuacan Valley during the period 8000–1000 years B.P. have been interpreted as indicating earlier use of maize and more utilization of legumes as food sources than is suggested by the occurrence of the remains of these plants in the coprolites and debris excavated along with the bones. Reassessment of the assumptions made in interpreting the bone collagen isotope ratios reduces some but not all of the discrepancy between the isotopic and archaeological reconstructions of diet. The original archaeological reconstruction relied entirely on remains from cave sites, thus introducing seasonal and locational biases into the dietary reconstruction. Using the bone collagen isotope ratios as a guide, we re-interpreted the archaeological data to produce a more complete picture of temporal changes in the overall diet. We suggest that heavy dependence on grains began in the Coxcatlan phase and then may have remained unchanged for the next 5,500–6,500 years. These conclusions, which are based on a relatively small isotopic data base, need to be verified by an extensive program of isotopic analysis of the floral, faunal, and human remains from Tehuacan.

The Plateau culture area of northwestern North America fits the criteria of an interaction sphere. Understanding the general cultural dynamics responsible for the creation of interaction spheres has been poorly developed in archaeological and ethnological theory. Data from the Plateau Interaction Sphere are used to argue that the main factor responsible for the emergence of interaction spheres in transegalitarian societies is the development of an elite class. Elites who seek to maximize their power and wealth at the tribal level do so in part by establishing trading, marriage, ideological, military, and other ties to elites in other communities and regions. They use these ties to monopolize access to desirable regional prestige goods and to enhance their own socioeconomic positions. In conformity with expectations derived from this model, the data from the Plateau demonstrate that interaction sphere goods are predominantly prestige items and that these concentrate in communities that have the greatest potential to produce surplus and to develop socioeconomic inequalities. These same features also seem to characterize well-known interaction spheres elsewhere in the world.

The standard typology of Owasco pottery from New York State is examined. This typology is ostensibly based on Krieger's definition of a type as a consistently recurring combination of attributes. The application of statistical techniques suggested by Spaulding, Sackett, and others as appropriate to the discovery of such types revealed that the standard Owasco typology does not exist in Krieger's terms. This typology, however, has been a reliable spatial and temporal indicator for many years. The real, underlying logic and foundations for this typology were therefore sought through a careful inspection of the actual type definitions. This made it clear that the definition and recognition of these pottery types depend on 2 important but unstated principles, the existence of a hierarchy of importance among attributes and the shifting of defining criteria from type to type. Krieger's definition of a type is thus seen to be inappropriate here and a type is recognized to be defined by proceeding through a hierarchical, "tree-type" series of decisions. Statistical procedures appropriate to discovering types according to this definition are developed, and their application to the Owasco material is seen to come close to duplicating the original typology. Such a tree-type structure based on the 2 principles just outlined closely resembles cultural classifications elicited by ethnologists. It is suggested therefore that the attribute association or "Spaulding" approach and the currently popular techniques of numerical taxonomy will not work for establishing space-time reflective types, not because the techniques are not well developed, but because the basic concept or definition of such a type on which they are based is inappropriate.

Most studies of trade in the Maya area of Mesoamerica have been descriptive examinations of exchanged objects and have relied heavily on ethnohistoric sources. This paper, on the other hand, relies mainly on archaeological data and offers several hypotheses about the socio-political significance of intra- and inter-community exchange systems.

It is proposed that in the relatively uniform environment of the Maya Lowlands, subsistence arti-facts and goods were generally exchanged within communities while prestige artifacts were exchanged between communities. This hypothesized situation is contrasted with the environmentally differentiated Mexican Highlands where subsistence items were traded widely. Following the theoretical leads of M. Coe, Webb, and Fried, we offer the hypothesis that prior to the introduction of foreign influences, the lack of differential access to basic resources among the ranked social groups of the Maya Lowlands did not stimulate the development of the state in this area.

A recent archaeological survey was conducted of a highland Peruvian valley in order to evaluate the effect on a local culture of the expansion of empires. The strategy employed in the consolidation of a region under an imperial administrative structure is the result of two general factors: the needs of the empire, and the level of extant local political organization. Evidence of Wari and Inka imperial facilities in the Carahuarazo Valley is interpreted in light of changes in the local culture during each occupation to provide a more complete picture of this process. A relatively greater Wari presence and lesser Inka presence are interpreted as the result of differing administrative needs on the part of the respective empires, as well as differing local systems at the time of each conquest. Similarities in goods and services extracted by each empire serve to indicate that although imperial strategies differed, the end result of consolidation of the area into each empire was roughly similar.

How archaeologists analyze pottery is determined by archaeological theory, sampling considerations, and available analytical techniques. The most damaging impediment to methodological advance is lack of a theory of how patterns of ceramic variation are generated. It is argued herein that Darwinian evolutionary theory (or selectionism) provides a body of concepts capable of explaining patterned variation and specifies measurements to make in testing specific explanatory statements. Most existing analytical procedures (e.g., the "Type-Variety" system) are regarded as aspects of sampling, the role of which is to help reduce some of the bewildering heterogeneity in ceramic collections before attempting to measure evolutionarily significant variation. Technical analysis, often considered the domain of nonarchaeological specialists, actually produces the measurements needed to test explanatory statements made about pottery observed in the archaeological record.

Recent excavations and reanalysis of existing data on communal pit structures provide intriguing insights into ritual and cultural developments over a period of about 350 years, from A.D. 800 to 1140, in the Mimbres Valley of southwestern New Mexico. In the middle of this period, people shifted dwellings from pithouses to pueblos, a shift previously viewed as the pivotal transformation of Mimbres society. In this paper we show that significant changes in Mimbres society began in the A.D. 800s. Trends in the construction methods of communal pit structures, the placement of dedicatory items within them, their ritual retirements, and their long-lived significance within Mimbres villages, reflect other changes that occurred in Mimbres society. We contend that in the A.D. 800s, rapid change based on strong connections with the Hohokam of southern Arizona and agricultural intensification began a trajectory that culminated in the Classic Mimbres pueblos of the A.D. 1000s and early 1100s.

Recent discussions of deposit formation and disturbance in archaeology ignore the possible perturbation of artifact distribution by children's play. Experimental data indicate some results of such activity, and suggest that it should be borne in mind when reconstructing behavior patterns based on depositional history.