The history of maize (Zea mays L.) in the eastern Woodlands remains an important study topic. As currently understood, these histories appear to vary regionally and include scenarios positing an early introduction and an increase in use over hundreds of, if not a thousand, years. In this article, we address the history of maize in the American Bottom region of Illinois and its importance in the development of regional Mississippian societies, specifically in the Cahokian polity located in the central Mississippi River valley. We present new lines of evidence that confirm subsistence-level maize use at Cahokia was introduced rather abruptly at about AD 900 and increased rapidly over the following centuries. Directly dated archaeobotanical maize remains, human and dog skeletal carbon isotope values, and a revised interpretation of the archaeological record support this interpretation. Our results suggest that population increases and the nucleation associated with Cahokia were facilitated by the newly introduced practices of maize cultivation and consumption. Maize should be recognized as having had a key role in providing subsistence security that—combined with social, political, and religious changes—fueled the emergence of Cahokia in AD 1050.

Mobility is a common theme in Paleoindian research throughout North America including in the Great Basin. One recent model based on results from the X-ray fluorescence (XRF) analysis of Paleoindian artifacts holds that early groups occupied geographically discrete foraging territories throughout the Great Basin during the terminal Pleistocene/early Holocene, ca. 11,500–7500 radiocarbon years ago (14C B.P.), that covered between 46,000 and 107,000 km2. While this model is innovative, its implications regarding Paleoindian mobility are difficult to reconcile with our knowledge of foraging populations. In this article, I evaluate the model using XRF data for 260 Paleoindian projectile points from northwest Nevada. The results fail to support the hypothesis that a single, expansive foraging territory once covered the western Great Basin. However, when compared to a sample of 1,085 projectile points from later periods (ca. 7000 14C B.P. to the historic era), data from the Paleoindian sample indicate that the foraging territories of early groups differed from those of later groups living in the same region. I suggest that these dissimilarities reflect differences in how groups moved across the landscape and procured lithic raw materials.

Meadowcroft Rockshelter is a deeply stratified multicomponent site in Washington County, southwestern Pennsylvania. The 11 well-defined stratigraphic units identified at the site span at least 16,000 years and perhaps 19,000 years of intermittent occupation by groups representing all of the major cultural stages/periods now recognized in northeastern North America. Throughout the extant sequence, the site served as a locus for hunting, collecting, and food-processing activities, which involved the seasonal exploitation of the immediately adjacent Cross Creek Valley and contiguous uplands. Presently, Meadowcroft Rockshelter represents one of the earliest well-dated evidences of man in the New World as well as the longest occupational sequence in the Western Hemisphere.

The contributions of the earth sciences, particularly geomorphology and sedimentary petrography, to the interpretation and environmental reconstruction of archaeological contexts is called "geoarchaeology." The physical context provides a palaeo-environmental legacy liable to patterning and interpretation just as artifacts imply prehistoric cultural activity. Through field study and laboratory analyses, the geoarchaeologist elaborates the micro-, meso-, and macro-environments of a site, and provides input for erecting prehistoric human activity patterns in time and space. The categories of information that must be examined in the field, the range of interpretive problems that confront the field worker, and the laboratory techniques which corroborate field interpretations can be illustrated by examining archaeology in an alluvial site. These considerations emphasize the need to involve the geomorphologist in all aspects of the design and execution of an archaeological excavation.

A preliminary study of the form and fracture patterns of sheep metatarsals from Jaguar Cave is used to illustrate a method for the quantitative analysis of primitive bone fracturing techniques. Criteria of form, fracture, and function are defined and weighted, on the basis of experiments with green bone, and the aid of computers is enlisted to process the archaeological specimens via these criteria. The data is searched for: a. the definition of a technique of intentional fracture, b. the formation of classes of intentionally fractured and retouched bone fragments, and c. the identification of statistically perfect tools and not-tools, determined by higher or lower correlations of weighted sums. Conclusions are drawn from the analysis of the Jaguar Cave bone and bone from other early collections. The application of linear decision theory to the analysis of bone fractures was first attempted in a Ph.D. dissertation (Sadek-Kooros 1966), and a shorter version of the present paper was read at the Thirty-Fourth Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, on May 2, 1969.

Since the beginning of systematic archaeological studies in southern Patagonia (Argentina and Chile), projectile points have played an important role as cultural markers. A sequence of projectile point types was established according to their changes in size and shape. These stone tools, along with others cultural evidences, served to differentiate a series of “culturai periods” which were, for decades, the frame of reference to understand the cultural evolution in southernmost Patagonia. Although later researches have questioned several of these assumptions, the classical typology of projectile points continued in use until the present day. The goal of this work is to evaluate size and shape variation in two late Holocene projectile point types, known as Fell, Bird, or Magallanes IV and V points or Patagónicas and Ona points, respectively. These two types are compared using geometric morphometries and multivariate statistical analyses. The reliability in the discrimination between types is tested at the light of reduction. The analyses have shown a major incidence of reduction on shape rather than on size, and on blade rather than on stem. However, in average, types IV and V can be distinguished in terms of size, and stem shape despite reduction. Thus, even though successive cycles of use, damage and resharpening have a great influence over size and shape of projectile points, resharpening techniques are specific enough to maintain the differences of size and shape between types, a pattern that is probably related with functional requirements.

Archival source materials and colonial period maps have been employed to reconstruct the settlement pattern characteristic of the chinampa districts of the Aztec capital, Tenochtitlan. The evidence includes detailed descriptions of a number of individual residential sites and chinampa holdings, which can be drawn to scale on street maps of the modern city. Genealogies and census data have been employed to determine the average size and social composition of typical urban households. Rough estimates of the economic value of urban chinampa holdings in relation to individual households, and to the urban population as a whole, indicate much higher levels of non-agricultural economic specialization, and a more complete dependence of the city on agrarian support areas outside the city than previously supposed.

In recent years, zooarchaeological research has begun to examine the roles of animals as part of the suite of symbols employed in the ongoing social, ceremonial, and political dynamics of prehistoric cultural systems. In the southeastern United States, studies of late prehistoric Mississippian chiefdoms have documented differences in species composition and meat cuts associated with particular social contexts of consumption—for instance, ceremonial feasting vs. private meals—and also with gross distinctions in social rank—elite vs. commoner. Differences in the latter reflect elite control of procurement as well as cultural rules that assign meanings to certain species, which in so doing regulates access to their consumption. Faunal samples collected by recent mound excavations at the Moundville site in west-central Alabama provide the basis for an examination of more subtle differences in the consumption patterns of elite residents. Zooarchaeological samples produced by two elite households, although generally similar and fitting expectations for elite consumption well, are distinguished by differences in the distribution of rare species, the role of fish, and possibly by evidence of differences in food waste, distinctions that can be associated with interpretations of these households' relative status in Moundville society drawn from other classes of archaeological data.

Historical archaeology in Africa has long privileged issues framed in terms of European sources and the impact of imperialism and colonialism on African peoples. With its emphasis on modernity, historical archaeology of this persuasion overlooks historical archaeologies concerned with revising metanarratives that misrepresent African pasts. We argue that historical archaeologists need to listen to local histories, often held in oral form, and that the appropriate task of historical archaeology is making histories that include, not exclude, local historicities. A critical historical archaeology in Africa is illustrated by cases in which oral traditions play a central role in unveiling the historical significance of archaeological remains as well as circumstances in which careful readings of archaeology and local histories subvert standard histories based on outsiders' interpretations and observations. We draw case studies from the Swahili Coast, Great Zimbabwe, the Kalahari, and the Cwezi period of the Great Lakes. Our approach accepts that if archaeologists employ materiality—regardless of its chronological age—to transform historical representation, then such historical revision creates a more comprehensive practice for historical archaeology, a matter of vital interest for both history and anthropology.

The monumental architecture of Chaco Canyon, New Mexico was constructed to convey, reinforce, and challenge ideas about social, ritual, and cosmological order. The concept of social memory can help clarify how architecture was employed in the transformation of Chacoan society at the beginning of the Late Bonito phase (A.D. 1100–1140). During the preceding century, Classic Bonito phase architecture expressed basic tenets of a Chacoan worldview—directionality, balanced dualism, and the canyon as a center place. At the beginning of the Late Bonito phase, confidence in the Chacoan ritual order was shaken by environmental and social developments. Leaders sought to re-formalize Chaco as a center place by instituting a new building scheme. Six new great houses were positioned on the landscape in a patterned, nested series of oppositional relationships. This re-formalization of the Chacoan landscape was legitimated through direct alignments and indirect architectural references to the Classic Bonito past. The new buildings were meant to bolster confidence in leaders and to attract followers by offering a combination of the familiar and the novel.

Kinship is central to an understanding of sociopolitical organization and the organization of production in Chaco Canyon. Between A.D. 700 and 900, lifeways in the Chacoan world underwent a transformation that reflects the evolution of matrilocal residence. Matrilocal groups became the foundation of a polity based on a corporate political strategy. Matrilocality provided the peoples of the Chaco region a social structure in which women were able to form stable agricultural communities while men were freed to take part in long-distance resource procurement and trade. Leaders mobilized goods from across the polity for corporate-affirming activities, such as construction of great houses. This corporate strategy is evident in an examination of turquoise production. The production of turquoise ornaments was diffuse and uncontrolled, but the consumption of turquoise, at least in Chaco Canyon, was highly centralized. This is what we would expect to see in a polity operating within a corporate strategy.

Mud bricks in Huaca del Sol and Huaca de la Luna differ in soil composition, dimensions, mold marks, and makers' marks. The differences reflect conditions of brick production and use, and some variables are chronologically significant. This paper discusses the archaeological significance of adobes in these platform mounds, located on the south side of the Moche Valley. Four brick variables-soil, dimensions, mold, and makers' marks-are examined in terms of patterns of associations.

Archaeologists and Native Americans apply different concepts to classify ancient groups of people who lived in the past. This is a topic of current interest because many archaeologists in the United States are now having to determine the cultural affiliation of the materials they study to comply with the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act. The Hopi and Zuni tribes in the American Southwest are used as case examples to examine how and why archaeological and tribal views of cultural affiliation are divergent. We suggest anthropological perspectives of culture need to be reintegrated into archaeological theory in collaboration with Native Americans in order to interpret the past in a manner that is both useful and interesting to the multiple audiences interested in our work.

The recent Science Wars have brought into sharp focus, in a public forum, contentious questions about the authority of science and what counts as properly scientific practice that have long structured archaeological debate. As in the larger debate, localized disputes in archaeology often presuppose a conception of science as a unified enterprise defined by common goals, standards, and research programs; specific forms of inquiry are advocated (or condemned) by claiming affiliation with science so conceived. This pattern of argument obscures much that is most creative in archaeological practice. Archaeologists routinely exploit both integrating and fragmenting relations among the sciences, especially in establishing evidential claims. I will argue that the credibility of these claims is a function, not of scientific status acquired by corporate affiliation, but of the substantive trade in tools and techniques, empirical insights, models, and theories that is made possible by local interactions between archaeology and a wide range of other disciplines. There is much more to be gained by developing a rich critical understanding of the interfield relations that make this trade possible than by appealing to generic ideals of science.

Occupation spans of small late prehistoric sites in the American Bottom of southwestern Illinois are estimated through consideration of the formation of ceramic refuse. Archaeological and ethnographic data inform a model which takes the form of both a computer simulation and a quantitative transform. Critical variables include a behavioral assemblage, a disposal assemblage, vessel use life, and breakage and replacement rates. A number of factors may have influenced settlement duration, but a preliminary examination does not reveal a significant correlation between environmental features and occupation span. The relation of these lower-order settlements to higher-order centers in the American Bottom settlement hierarchy may not have necessitated maximizing the economic potential of a given rural catchment.

The Present paper is partially devoted to a consideration of the concept of “horizon styles” in Peruvian archaeology: how the concept has been used in archaeological reconstruction, and how new styles are in the process of formulation. It includes also an analysis of several ceramic periods which may be grouped into such a horizon style, the White-on-red. Differing from the horizon style is another historical phenomenon which I have called the “pottery tradition.” An attempt is made here to show the relationship of these two concepts— horizon styles and pottery traditions—as they are exemplified in Peruvian archaeology.

The metal objects found in 1969 at the north Peruvian site of Loma Negra, in the region of Cerro Vicús, form one of the largest and most important single groups of Moche metal artifacts known. Since the objects were looted from burials at the site, they are without context, seriously compounding the problems of their relative chronology within the Moche sequence and of their relations with Moche material from the coast farther to the south. Metallurgical studies of a group of gilt copper objects from Loma Negra have shown that the gilding was achieved by an electrochemical replacement plating process in which gold and silver are dissolved in an aqueous solution of corrosive minerals. The precious metals are then plated from solution onto the copper objects. Moche metal craftsmen can now be credited with having developed the two most sophisticated of Andean gilding procedures: depletion gilding and electrochemical replacement plating.

Archaeometric methods such as provenance studies must be predicated on understanding the processes that underlie the production of this information. This study focuses on element-based provenance studies of Mississippian-period pottery, which are complicated by the fact that this pottery generally was tempered with crushed shell in different amounts and of unknown species composition. Experiments conducted at the Missouri University Research Reactor (MURR) have documented elemental dilution and enhancement effects of adding shell temper to clay. Mathematical corrections previously have been employed to correct for shell-temper effects. Results of physical, chemical, and mathematical approaches to eliminating the effects of shell tempering indicate that mathematical methods, based on a firm knowledge of shell composition, provide the most efficient correction.

Stable-isotopic studies of prehistoric diet have usually confined discussions of isotopic variability within populations to sex-related differences in diet and have rarely considered other social or cultural sources of dietary variation. Extant data from eastern North America suggest that isotopic variation (and hence dietary variation) may have been greatest within the relatively complex Middle Mississippian societies of the late prehistoric period. Correlations between isotopic variability and mortuary variability (an indication of social position) were identified in a sample of burials from the Angel site, a Middle Mississippian (A.D. 1200-1450) civic-ceremonial center in southwestern Indiana. These correlations demonstrate how contextually informed isotopic studies can be used to examine the relations between social position and diet. This approach may be especially useful for studies of social interactions between different populations.

Complexity is both a buzzword and a paradigm in the biophysical sciences and, increasingly, the social sciences. We define “social complexity” as the nonlinear escalation of costs and emergent infrastructure with rising energy use and concentrated power as societies develop. Two paths to social complexity are technotasking, which relies on technological break-throughs and is often politically hierarchical, and labortasking, which relies on skilled labor pools and is often heterarchical. We suggest several pathways to greater degrees of complexity and present two case studies emphasizing the role of labor-tasking; an in-depth review of the ancient Maya and a shorter introduction to the recent Balinese. Both of these complex societies used labortasking to adapt to local ecological limitations in semitropical settings. These societies used heterarchical organizations to accretionally engineer and manage their environments, strategies that promoted long-term resilience. Case studies such as these provide a nuanced picture of different paths to social complexity and highlight their relative costs, benefits, and potential for long-term sustainability.