Hostname: page-component-586b7cd67f-rdxmf Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-11-30T20:12:11.089Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Purity is not a distinct moral domain

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  04 October 2023

Dolichan Kollareth
Affiliation:
Department of Psychology and Neuroscience, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, MA, USA. [email protected] [email protected]
James A. Russell
Affiliation:
Department of Psychology and Neuroscience, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, MA, USA. [email protected] [email protected]

Abstract

Purity violations overlap with other moral domains. They are not uniquely characterized by hypothesized markers of purity – the witness's emotion of disgust, taint to perpetrator's soul, or the diminished role of intention in moral judgment. Thus, Fitouchi et al.'s proposition that puritanical morality (a subset of violations in the purity domain) is part of cooperation-based morality is an important advance.

Type
Open Peer Commentary
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press

A recent development in moral psychology with important theoretical consequences is the division of morality into distinct domains (Rozin, Lowery, Imada, & Haidt, Reference Rozin, Lowery, Imada and Haidt1999). One such hypothesized moral domain has become the focus of intense research: purity. Purity was theorized to be distinct from other moral domains, such as autonomy for example. Autonomy violations occur when a perpetrator intentionally harms another person and thereby elicits anger in a witness, whereas purity violations occur when the perpetrator, intentionally or not, defiles his or her own body or soul and thereby elicits disgust in a witness (Rozin et al., Reference Rozin, Lowery, Imada and Haidt1999). However, more recent research questions whether purity is distinct from autonomy (Gray, DiMaggio, Schein, & Kachanoff, Reference Gray, DiMaggio, Schein and Kachanoff2022; Kollareth, Brownell, Durán, & Russell, Reference Kollareth, Brownell, Durán and Russell2023).

Consistent with the recent questioning of purity as a distinct moral domain, Fitouchi et al. raise the question whether a subset of violations in the purity domain, what can be called puritanical morality (condemnation of lust, gluttony, drinking, drugs, gambling, etc.) is an exception to the cooperative function of moral cognition. They propose moral disciplining theory (MDT) and argue that at least some acts featured in puritanical morality are cooperation-based moral concerns. If so, such acts, allegedly understood as violations in the domain of purity, lack distinct psychological foundations and evolutionary concerns said to characterize that domain.

That violations of purity are characterized by a unique emotion, disgust, is also questionable. Fitouchi et al. argue that puritanical moral acts such as lust, gluttony, intemperance, lack of self-discipline, and impiety are unrelated to disgust. Furthermore, much of the research offered in support of the claim that purity violations are disgusting confounds the violation with a pathogen. Examples include: thinking of scriptures while expelling excrement (Haidt, Reference Haidt, Keyes and Haidt2003) or cleaning a bathroom with the national flag (Haidt, Reference Haidt2012; Haidt, Koller, & Dias, Reference Haidt, Koller and Dias1993). When studies de-confound purity violations from pathogens, those alleged purity violations are not perceived as disgusting (Kollareth & Russell, Reference Kollareth and Russell2019; Kollareth et al., Reference Kollareth, Brownell, Durán and Russell2023; Royzman, Atanasov, Landy, Parks, & Gepty, Reference Royzman, Atanasov, Landy, Parks and Gepty2014).

Fitouchi et al. also note that the word disgust is polysemous. Thus, there is a problem using the word disgust to measure the emotional reaction of disgust. The word disgust is synonymous with “grossed-out” when the target includes a pathogen. However, in other contexts, a witness may use the word disgust to indicate anger or even dislike. In studies that used the word gross or phrase grossed-out in the response format, purity violations free of pathogens were more angering than gross (Kollareth & Russell, Reference Kollareth and Russell2019; Kollareth et al., Reference Kollareth, Brownell, Durán and Russell2023; Royzman et al., Reference Royzman, Atanasov, Landy, Parks and Gepty2014).

A similar confound occurs with the use of an emotional facial expression as a measure of disgust. The standard disgust face (nose-scrunch, raised upper lip) is associated with both disgust and anger (Pochedly, Widen, & Russell, Reference Pochedly, Widen and Russell2012; Rozin, Lowery, & Ebert, Reference Rozin, Lowery and Ebert1994; Widen & Russell, Reference Widen and Russell2010). However, the face of someone about to vomit (open mouth, lowered bottom lip, cheeks raised), which we call the “sick face,” was more reliably associated with pathogen disgust (Widen, Pochedly, Pieloch, & Russell, Reference Widen, Pochedly, Pieloch and Russell2013). Studies have shown that the standard disgust face is commonly interpreted as angry rather than disgusted (Pochedly et al., Reference Pochedly, Widen and Russell2012; Rozin et al., Reference Rozin, Lowery and Ebert1994; Widen & Russell, Reference Widen and Russell2010). Ekman (Reference Ekman and Cole1972) found what he called a “confusion” of anger and disgust when Papua New Guineans selected faces for basic emotions. Opposing the view that purity violations (free from pathogens) elicit genuine disgust, Ritter, Preston, Salomon, and Relihan-Johnson (Reference Ritter, Preston, Salomon and Relihan-Johnson2016) found that religious thought violations were not associated with the standard “disgust face” that was elicited by physically disgusting stimuli.

Yet another question raised by Fitouchi et al. in relation to disgust is whether behaviors that degrade the elevated nature of the human soul or remind humans of their animal nature are disgusting. Empirical studies have examined this specific hypothesis and conclude: Animal reminders per se are not disgusting (Kollareth & Russell, Reference Kollareth and Russell2017). Some disgusting things may remind us of our animal nature, but they are not disgusting because they do so (Kollareth & Russell, Reference Kollareth and Russell2018).

Consistent with the idea of purity violations degrading one's spiritual self, Rottman, Kelemen, and Young (Reference Rottman, Kelemen and Young2014) offered “taint to soul” as a marker of a purity violation. However, studies show that purity violations are not the only type of moral violation that a witness believes taints or degrades the soul (Kollareth et al., Reference Kollareth, Brownell, Durán and Russell2023). Witnesses find that murder, a hypothesized autonomy violation, taints the soul of the perpetrator more than does suicide, a hypothesized purity violation (Allam, Kollareth, & Russell, Reference Allam, Kollareth and Russell2022).

Yet another hypothesized marker of a purity violation is related to the role of intention. According to Young and Tsoi (Reference Young and Tsoi2013), “mental states, in fact, matter less, specifically, in cases of ‘purity’ violations” (p. 586). Initial research provided some support for this hypothesis (Barrett et al., Reference Barrett, Bolyanatz, Crittenden, Fessler, Fitzpatrick, Gurven and Laurence2016; Chakroff et al., Reference Chakroff, Dungan, Koster-Hale, Brown, Saxe and Young2016). However, more recent studies emphasize the role of the perpetrator's intention in the judged morality of various violations including those of purity. Context rather than domain governs the role of the perpetrator's intention (McHugh, McGann, Igou, & Kinsella, Reference McHugh, McGann, Igou and Kinsella2022). When context is taken into account, intention plays a significant role in the judged immorality of purity violations just as it does for autonomy violations (Kupfer, Inbar, & Tybur, Reference Kupfer, Inbar and Tybur2020; Parkinson & Byrne, Reference Parkinson and Byrne2018). In the purity domain, the perpetrator's intention is significant and substantial: It is used to judge whether an impure act is moral or immoral (Kollareth & Russell, Reference Kollareth and Russell2022).

In short, although every moral violation is distinct, empirical evidence does not support the claim of a distinct moral domain of purity. Indeed, violations characterized as purity overlap in many ways with other hypothesized moral domains – a claim consistent with Fitouchi et al.'s interesting and important hypothesis that puritanical morality is part of cooperation-based morality.

Financial support

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

Competing interest

None.

References

Allam, A., Kollareth, D., & Russell, J. A. (2022). On judging the morality of suicide. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 103, 104384.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Barrett, H. C., Bolyanatz, A., Crittenden, A. N., Fessler, D. M. T., Fitzpatrick, S., Gurven, M., … Laurence, S. (2016). Small-scale societies exhibit fundamental variation in the role of intentions in moral judgment. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America, 113(17), 46884693.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Chakroff, A., Dungan, J., Koster-Hale, J., Brown, A., Saxe, R., & Young, L. (2016). When minds matter for moral judgment: Intent information is neurally encoded for harmful but not impure acts. Social Cognitive and Affective Neuroscience, 11(3), 476484.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Ekman, P. (1972). Universals and cultural differences in facial expressions of emotions. In Cole, J. K. (Ed.), Nebraska symposium on motivation (Vol. 1971, pp. 207283). University of Nebraska Press.Google Scholar
Gray, K., DiMaggio, N., Schein, C., & Kachanoff, F. (2022). The problem of purity in moral psychology. Personality and Social Psychology Review, 137. https://doi.org/10.1177/10888683221124741Google ScholarPubMed
Haidt, J. (2003). Elevation and the positive psychology of morality. In Keyes, C. L. M. & Haidt, J. (Eds.), Flourishing: Positive psychology and the life well-lived (pp. 275289). American Psychological Association.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Haidt, J. (2012). The righteous mind: Why good people are divided by politics and religion. Pantheon/Random House.Google Scholar
Haidt, J., Koller, S. H., & Dias, M. G. (1993). Affect, culture, and morality, or is it wrong to eat your dog? Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 65(4), 613628.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Kollareth, D., Brownell, H., Durán, J. I., & Russell, J. A. (2023). Is purity a distinct and homogeneous domain in moral psychology? Journal of Experimental Psychology: General, 152(1), 211235.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Kollareth, D., & Russell, J. A. (2017). Is it disgusting to be reminded that you are an animal? Cognition and Emotion, 31(7), 13181332.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Kollareth, D., & Russell, J. A. (2018). Even unpleasant reminders that you are an animal need not disgust you. Emotion (Washington, D.C.), 18(2), 304312.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kollareth, D., & Russell, J. A. (2019). Disgust and the sacred: Do people react to violations of the sacred with the same emotion they react to something putrid? Emotion (Washington, D.C.), 19(1), 3752.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Kollareth, D., & Russell, J. A. (2022). When judging purity norm violations, the perpetrator's intention matters. European Journal of Social Psychology, 52(5–6), 931943.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Kupfer, T. R., Inbar, Y., & Tybur, J. M. (2020). Reexamining the role of intent in moral judgements of purity violations. Journal of Experimental Social Psychology, 91, 104043.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
McHugh, C., McGann, M., Igou, E. R., & Kinsella, E. L. (2022). Moral judgment as categorization (MJAC). Perspectives on Psychological Science, 17(1), 131152.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Parkinson, M., & Byrne, R. M. J. (2018). Judgments of moral responsibility and wrongness for intentional and accidental harm and purity violations. The Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology, 71(3), 779789.Google ScholarPubMed
Pochedly, J. T., Widen, S. C., & Russell, J. A. (2012). What emotion does the “facial expression of disgust” express? Emotion (Washington, D.C.), 12(6), 13151319.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Ritter, R. S., Preston, J. L., Salomon, E., & Relihan-Johnson, D. (2016). Imagine no religion: Heretical disgust, anger and the symbolic purity of mind. Cognition and Emotion, 30(4), 778796.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Rottman, J., Kelemen, D., & Young, L. (2014). Tainting the soul: Purity concerns predict moral judgments of suicide. Cognition, 130(2), 217226.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Royzman, E. B., Atanasov, P., Landy, J. F., Parks, A., & Gepty, A. (2014). CAD or MAD? Anger (not disgust) as the predominant response to pathogen-free violations of the divinity code. Emotion (Washington, D.C.), 14(5), 892907.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Rozin, P., Lowery, L., & Ebert, R. (1994). Varieties of disgust faces and the structure of disgust. Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 66(5), 870881.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Rozin, P., Lowery, L., Imada, S., & Haidt, J. (1999). The CAD triad hypothesis: A mapping between three moral emotions (contempt, anger, disgust) and three moral codes (community, autonomy, divinity). Journal of Personality and Social Psychology, 76(4), 574586.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed
Widen, S. C., Pochedly, J. T., Pieloch, K., & Russell, J. A. (2013). Introducing the sick face. Motivation and Emotion, 37(3), 550557.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Widen, S. C., & Russell, J. A. (2010). The “disgust face” conveys anger to children. Emotion (Washington, D.C.), 10(4), 455466.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
Young, L., & Tsoi, L. (2013). When mental states matter, when they don't, and what that means for morality. Social and Personality Psychology Compass, 7(8), 585604.CrossRefGoogle Scholar