Como ho già detto (p. xii), Ferdinando Castagnoli ha lasciato interrotti ma bene avviati i lavori di revisione e aggiornamento della nuova edizione della Forma Urbis di Lanciani in scala 1:1000. Al fine di mantenere vivo l'interesse per la realizzazione di quest'opera approfitto dell'ospitalità dei Papers per pubblicare una mia revisione delle mura di Aureliano tra la Porta Flaminia e il Tevere preparata a tale scopo (Fig. 1).

La porzione delle mura di Aureliano compresa tra l'attuale via Ferdinando di Savoia in prossimità dell'imbocco di ponte Margherita e la porta Flaminia è rappresentata in pianta nella tavola I della FUR di Lanciani (edita nel 1893?) Il colore nero indica le parti ancora esistenti al tempo di Lanciani, oppure quelle che egli potè vedere fugacemente in occasione di scavi. Il nero è usato anche per un monumento non più visibile ma per il quale egli aveva raggiunto una sua convinzione di certezza: si tratta del ‘sepulcrum’ coincidente con la terza torre ad occidente di Porta Flaminia. Il colore grigio (ottenuto grafıcamente con linee parallele accostate) indica le parti non più visibili che Lanciani ricostrui tenendo presente piante dal XVI al XVIII secolo (de' Rocchi, Bufalini, Nolli).

In this paper some newly discovered cippi of the Anio Vetus and the Marcia relating to the Augustan restoration of 11–4 BC, which were found in the section between the sources and S. Maria di Cavamonte (Via Prenestina), are described. Other cippi are re-evaluated and for each of the aqueducts an up-to-date catalogue is given. It is important to note that the distance between the cippi was not always based on the iugero of 240 pedes (that is 70 metres), there being many exceptions, in some cases the distance being greater (particularly in more winding hilly sections), in others less. Also the shafts for cleaning and repairs are not regularly spaced at 70 metre intervals, often being 35–37 metres apart. The cippi, placed along the edge of the ground reserved for the aqueduct channel, not always corresponding to the shafts, are given a progressive number starting from Rome. This served to identify (with the help of plans (formae)) the section of the aqueduct requiring maintenance.

Given that the distance between the cippi varies, it is not possible to calculate the length of the aqueducts (or of particular sections) by multiplying the serial number by 240 pedes. Therefore we should reject the corrections made to Frontinus' figure for the length of the Anio Vetus of 43 miles, as these are based on this method (the figures suggested being 53, 55 and 63). In addition the aqueduct starts at the 29th mile of the Via Valeria, that is 9–10 miles upstream of Tivoli, not 20 (a misreading of the text of Frontinus). There follows a discussion of the length of the other three aqueducts of the Anio valley (Claudia, Anio novus, Marcia).

In Appendix l a small quarry pit from which the tufo cippi of the Anio vetus may have been extracted is described. In Appendix 2 a map of 1866 is presented, showing the location of some sections of the Marcia and the Claudia along the Via Valeria.

Il presente testo nasce da alcune considerazioni compiute nel corso della totale revisione dell'opera edita e manoscritta di Antonio Bosio e si focalizza, in senso più ampio, sul fenomeno della nascita dell'archeologia cristiana nel corso del XVI secolo. Partendo da alcuni spunti storici offerti appunto dall'opera di Bosio, vengono presentate alcune vicende relative al cantiere della basilica di San Pietro durante la seconda metà del Cinquecento, testimoniate soprattutto da Tiberio Alfarano. L'obiettivo è quello di riconsiderare il ruolo degli scavi e dei lavori architettonici della Basilica Vaticana nella nascita dell'archeologia cristiana, qualche anno prima dell'accidentale scoperta della catacomba anonima di via Anapo, evento ad oggi considerato l'inizio della disciplina.

The church of San Salvatore, on the outskirts of Spoleto, is a monument as familiar as it is puzzling. Together with the closely related Clitumnus temple, 10 km. distant between Spoleto and Trevi, it has been the subject of at least one monograph and of numerous articles, and it figures in all the standard works on late antique and early medieval art in Italy. It first appears in history in a document of 815, confirming to the abbey of Farfa certain possessions, including monasterium sancti Salvatoris situm prope eandem civitatem (i.e. Spoleto). The majority of writers have regarded both it and the Clitumnus Temple as the product of a late antique, classicising revival, and have assigned them to dates ranging from the late fourth to the sixth centuries. Recently Deichmann has advanced the novel, but attractive, suggestion that they belong rather to the latter part of the eighth century, and are the work of the Dukes of Spoleto, produced under Carolingian domination and under strong Carolingian artistic influence.

The occasion of the following notes is the publication of Goffredo Bendinelli's useful monograph on Roman Turin, which raises once more the question of the date to which the Gates of that colonia belong. Bendinelli does not hesitate to adopt Rivoira's view, and classifies these Gates as Augustan. Yet opinions about this matter have veered considerably, and since no writer discusses in detail the structural points upon which the question turns, it seems worth while to do this and to consider at the same time the great Gate at Spello, known as the Torri di Properzio, which closely resembles the Gates of Torino, and about which Rossini at least raised some discussion.

Torino–Augusta Taurinorum. A start is given here by the town-plan and by the sections of D'Andrade. There is no doubt that the chess-board town-plan, with the Wall which bounds it, belongs to the Augustan colonia of 28 B.C., as comparison with the plans of Aemona (34 B.C.) and Aosta (25 B.C.) suffices to prove. Again, the visible part of the Wall, together with D'Andrade's drawings of much that is not now accessible, show that the Wall now visible was the first on its site, and that its construction in receding tiers connects it with the contemporary Wall of Aosta; while its facing, in brick and opus incertum, exactly resembles that of the Theatre of Torino, which formed part of the Augustan lay-out and is now visible in the Gardens of Palazzo Chiablese.

The following paper is based on notes and studies made in the session 1914–15 during my tenure of the Gilchrist Studentship at the British School at Rome. It is a first, though necessarily incomplete, attempt to reconstruct out of the fragments preserved at the Museo di Villa Giulia the picture of one at least of the temples that were once the glory of Falerii.

I have to thank Dr. Ashby, Director of the British School in Rome, for his guidance in questions of the topography of Falerii, and Mrs. Arthur Strong, Assistant Director, for drawing my attention in the first instance to the subject of terra-cottas, and for the help and encouragement she has all along given to this paper.

For Genoa the ‘crisis of the fourteenth century’ had political as well as economic reality; the strife within the city and its colonies of Guelfs and Ghibellines was mirrored in its diplomatic affairs, as Genoa searched for friends in Guelf Naples or Ghibelline Sicily. The appearance of Catalan naval power presented a direct threat to Genoese shipping, however peaceful the intent of the latter might be; and attempts at co-operation between Genoa and Venice foundered on the banks of suspicion and envy. Commercial recession brought serious worry to what was still a trading, rather than industrial, centre, and there was a reluctance to waste valuable naval resources in attempts to eliminate Venetian or Catalan rivals. This attitude was not confined to Genoa, and perhaps explains why the western trading cities were more anxious to settle their differences by negotiation and compromise than they had been in the thirteenth century. Severest problem of all was that of the ‘pestifferam mortalitatem mundo totali occursam’; in the years immediately following the arrival of the Black Death (1347) the maritime cities found themselves suddenly deprived of invaluable manpower, and yet, paradoxically, they were not without the means to pay for the services of sailors and ship-builders if only these men could be found. Money, the money of dead men, there was in plenty; but neither the Genoese nor the Venetians knew how to adapt to the rapid change in the structure of demand that the pestilence engendered.

Viene qui pubblicata una serie de affreschi e di stucchi romani conservati nel Victoria and Albert Museum di Londra. La provenienza, secondo il catalogo del Prints and Drawings Department, é Pozzuoli; ed uno dei due stucchi appartiene con molta probabilità allo stesso contesto della serie pozzolana del British Museum pubblicata nel 1966. Gli affreschi, a parte un frammento del secondo stile pompeiano e due pezzi a campo giallo, provengono probabilmente da una sola decorazione, forse funeraria, dell' epoca flavio-traianea. L'iconografia comprende uccelli, frutta, gorgoneia, capre, personificazioni delle stagioni, amoretti, e (motivi di un interesse particolare) due demoni alati che rassomigliano al demone etrusco Charun.

Very little work has so far been published on the Templars and Hospitallers in the area north of Rome, so that this study of the two preceptories of San Savino and Castell'Araldo makes a contribution to the history of both Orders. Archaeological investigations of Hospitaller and Templar preceptories or commanderies have been made in a number of countries. In this present case there was no excavation, but the combination of a careful survey on the ground with a detailed though far from exhaustive study of the written sources has made it possible to evaluate the significance of these preceptories as economic and social units, while the identification and investigation of two previously unnoticed and markedly dissimilar abandoned communities is of some value for the general history of the region.

The existing works on the neighbourhood contain almost no information about the two castles, neither of which has so far attracted scholarly attention. The chronicles and archives of Viterbo and Orvieto are more helpful, though only very limited research on unpublished materials from these two towns was attempted. Scarcely anything relevant to the medieval period seems to have been preserved at Marta, where the Archivio Comunale is in disorder, though the consiglio records contain a wealth of post-1500 documents which could be used to study the agrarian history of the area.

This article provides a reconstruction of a Roman funerary complex that was discovered near the Porta Maggiore in Rome at the end of the nineteenth century (1871), using excavation reports and drawings, archival photographs, topographical indications and epigraphic materials. This paper examines the inscriptions discovered inside these tombs, which have been published in the Corpus Inscriptionum Latinarum (CIL VI, 5961–6148), but attributed to the wrong funerary context. Thanks to two photographs taken by John Henry Parker in 1871, we can now ‘re-place’ these inscriptions in their original burial chamber. The objective of this study is to use this varied evidence to contribute to our understanding of the archaeological and topographical development of this area, through an analysis of the different periods in which this burial ground was utilized.

The relief shown in Plate IA was among those transferred to the Terme Museum from the Villa Ludovisi, where, about 1460, Cassiano Dal Pozzo saw it immured in the wall of a small building to the right of the entrance. Its original provenience is unknown. In his catalogue of the Villa Ludovisi sculpture Schreiber describes it as representing ‘a knight with two at tendants. … On the left a youth walks forward to the 1. He wears a sleeved tunic girt at the waist, and shoes; and carries on his right shoulder a short stave which has been broken off where the relief border is damaged. He is represented almost en face, and turns his head backwards towards the knight. With his left hand he leads by the bridle a richly harnessed horse saddled with a panther-skin. On the horse rides a young (beardless ?) man in short-sleeved tunic and cloak, the latter falling over his left forearm. He is laureate, and holds the horse's rein in his left hand, while the right is raised to the level of his head. … There follows a bearded man wearing tunic and shoes. In his left hand he holds the end of an object slung over his left shoulder (probably a sack …), and in his right hand he lifts up a hemispherical helmet (the left cheek-piece broken off), in the act of placing it on the knight's head.’