This article is the result of a survey of Cumanin Cami'i carried out in the summer of 1953 during the writer's tenure of the Fellowship of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara. That the survey took place is due in large measure to encouragement from the Director of the Institute, Mr. Seton Lloyd, and to the Turkish Antiquities Department, who readily gave the necessary permission. Further thanks are due to Mr. J. B. Ward Perkins for help in the solution of various problems connected with the work, to Mr. D. E. Strong for advice on the dating of the mouldings, and to Bayan Sabahat Öǧretmenoǧlu, then Director of the Antalya Museum, for her interest and support.

Cumanin Cami'i, otherwise known as Korkut Cami'i or more recently simply as Kesik Minare (the Broken Minaret), stands in the southern part of the old walled town of Antalya, the ancient Attaleia, in Pamphylia, its roofless minaret forming one of the most prominent marks on the horizon as seen from the region of the Konak, on the north side of the harbour.

Since the end of 1935, when my Paestan Pottery was written, well over a hundred vases belonging to this fabric have come to light. Many of them have been found as a result of excavations carried out in recent years in and around Paestum itself, notably at Arenosola, Oliveto Citra, Altavilla and Pontecagnano, and are therefore of considerable importance as confirming the location of the manufacturing centre in Paestum. Other previously unknown vases have come into the market from private collections and several ‘lost’ vases have reappeared. Further, an opportunity to revisit during 1951 most of the ‘major collections in the museums of Western Europe and America has enabled me to add several vases to the list as well as to correct a number of errors. There have also been some important new publications on the subject. In 1935 Marzullo published a preliminary study of the painted tombs discovered at Paestum three years earlier (Tombe dipinte scoperte nel territorio pestano), and a fuller and better illustrated account of the pottery finds, together with a publication of related material from other nearby sites, appeared in two articles by Giovanni Patroni, entitled ‘Vasi Pestani’, in the Rassegna Storica Salernitana ii (1939), pp. 221–258 with figs. 1–37, and in (1940), 3–36 with figs. 38–72, to which, for the sake of convenience, I shall in future refer as VP. A bell-krater acquired by the Ashmolean Museum in 1942 was published by Beazley in AJA xlviii (1944), pp. 357–366, in an article entitled ‘A Paestan Vase’, in which he made some important observations on the workshop of Asteas and Python. The time, therefore, seems ripe for the issue of a supplement to my original publication in order to incorporate the new vases, of which many of the most significant are here illustrated, and to make such revisions to the text and lists of attributions as seem called for in the light of the new evidence now to hand.

The history of the monuments and works of art of the classical period, which were in existence in Rome during the Renaissance, is of importance to us for many reasons. We may learn what were the materials which were at the disposal of the great masters in architecture, painting, and sculpture, and see in their drawings and sketches, as well as in the works which they actually executed, what use they made of the models which they had before their eyes, and what interested them in a greater or less degree. We may trace the growth of that antiquarianism out of which the science of archaeology was in process of time to develop. We may also obtain valuable information concerning much that has been destroyed or lost, or has, at least, come down to us in a very different state to that in which it was in their day.

Marino Sanudo in the introduction to his description of Venice and its constitution told Doge Agostino Barbarigo what every patriot already knew: ‘in verità, principe sublime, tal e tanto è il nome de la città de Venetia, che, dirò cussì, per tutto il mondo n’ è fatto grande estimatione; quelli che non l'hanno veduta, bramano di vederla et intender come si governi; quelli l'hanno veduta, non finiscono di lodarla’. This article continues the interest, but is less concerned with praise. It is based on a series of incidents in the history of one branch of the Capello family in the second quarter of the fifteenth century, showing how the age qualifications built into the constitution of which Sanudo was so proud could be abused, how family interest could be stronger than observance of the law. In Italian medieval history this point has been made before; but historians of the Venetian constitution have been concerned with the roles of councils and magistracies, or with the ideas of Venetian and foreign political theorists. They have been less concerned with the actual conduct of Venetian nobles. The present study of the political behaviour of the Capello family has for its point of departure a document of 28 June 1428 from the Antico Archivio del Comune of the Archivio di Stato at Verona. The archives of Verona, like those of other terraferma cities once subject to Venetian rule, contain much administrative material, not preserved in Venice, which can be used to illustrate the workings of Venetian magistracies and the political conduct and family interests of Venetian nobles.

In a well-known passage, the Greek historian Polybius, writing in the mid-second century BC, attributes Rome's success as a republic to a perfect balance of power between its constituent elements, army, senate and people (Histories 6.11); and indeed, the Republic's long survival was an achievement worth explaining. On another note, over a century later, Livy remarked how Republican Rome, with its rambling street plan and miscellany of buildings, compared unfavourably with the magnificent royal cities of the eastern Mediterranean; he put this down to hasty rebuilding after a great Gallic conflagration around 390 BC. Few scholars now accept his explanation. A handful of scholars argue for underlying rationales, usually when setting up the early city as a foil for its transformation under Augustus and subsequent emperors, and their conclusions tend towards characterizing the city's design as an unintended corollary to the annual turnover of magistrates. This article, likewise, argues for the role of government in the city's appearance; but it contends that the state of Republican urbanism was deliberate. A response, of sorts, to both ancient authors' observations, it addresses how provisions to ensure equilibrium in one of the Republic's components, the senatorial class, in the interests of preserving the res publica, came at a vital cost to the city's architectural evolution. These provisions took the form of intentional constraints (on time and money), to prevent élite Romans from building like, and thus presenting themselves as, Mediterranean monarchs. Painting with a broad chronological stroke, it traces the tension between the Roman Republic in its ideal state and the physical city, exploring the strategies élite Romans developed to work within the constraints. Only when unforeseen factors weakened the state's power to self-regulate could the built city flourish and, in doing so, further diminish the state. Many of these factors — such as increased wealth in the second century and the first-century preponderance of special commands — are known; to these, this article argues, should be added the development of concrete.

Questo articolo esamina l'architettura del nono secolo del monastero alto medievale di San Vincenzo al Volturno nella regione di Molise. L'articolo prende in considerazione l'ampia gamma di costruzioni rinvenute negli ultimi quindici anni di scavo, compreso la grande chiesa abbaziale, San Vincenzo Maggiore, il palazzo degli ospiti di riguardo, il chiostro, le officine e le strutture in legno del vicus del monastero. Il lavoro fa riferimento a un ampio numero di paralleli per queste costruzioni sia nella penisola italiana che nell'Europa continentale.

Apollonia in Cyrenaica was founded by the Greeks as the port for the city of Cyrene, from which it is some 20 km. distant. In the Roman period its prosperity was such that it received autonomy and became one of the five cities of the Pentapolis; by the sixth century A.D. it had surpassed both Gyrene and Ptolemais in importance. Christian sources more commonly refer to Apollonia as ‘Sozusa,’ and it is from this Christian designation that the present Arab name of ‘Susa’ is derived.

Witness to Apollonia's nourishing Christian life are its extensive Byzantine remains. Among these figure at least four churches, three of which have now been excavated, and what is probably the palace of the governor of the Pentapolis himself, the most recent structure to have been uncovered. What follows is a report on the ‘West’ Church excavated by the Department of Antiquities of the Provincial Government of Cyrenaica during the spring, summer, and fall of 1958 and again in the spring and summer of 1959. The consolidation and reconstruction of the church were begun simultaneously with the excavation and are still in progress.

The West Church at Apollonia was first plotted by the Beecheys in 1821–1822. In their plan of Apollonia the church appears with a quite extensive forecomplex. Intervening time plus in some places an overlay of small Italian buildings completely obscured the outlines of the church and caused the forecomplex to disappear from view altogether. Yet excavation of the site has proved the Beecheys essentially correct.

Much has been written in the past three decades about the marble plan found in the Via Anicia, which depicts the late Republican Temple of Castor and Pollux in Circo Flaminio, and its importance for the study of temple architecture and ancient cartography. Far less attention has been paid to the identification of the temple in the topography of the southern Campus Martius. In 1996 an excavation carried out in Piazza delle Cinque Scole brought to light the remains of a ‘monumental building’ that has been identified resolutely by the excavators as the Temple of Castor and Pollux. In this article, after a survey of what is known from the marble plan and previous excavations, I explain why my alternative location of the temple better fits the evidence from the Via Anicia plan and the 1996 excavation. I also shed new light on the area of the circus from the late Republican period to late antiquity and on transverse cella temples.

From the end of the third century BC on, the funerary culture of the Etruscan city of Chiusi saw the gradual disappearance of the most expensive containers and tombs. At the same time, there was first a dramatic increase in the number of such monuments, followed by an equally sharp decline in the first century BC. The qualitative development has traditionally been explained using sumptuary laws, which should have constrained funerary expenditure. However, a close examination of the local evidence reveals that this is not only unlikely, but also does not explain the quantitative development and why there was a social and cultural need to constrain these funerary objects in the first place. Using the concepts of distinction and habitus developed by Bourdieu, this paper analyses the developments in Chiusine funerary practice by focusing on social interactions within and between élites and non-élites. This gives both groups agency in a complex social, cultural and political process that caused the criteria for distinction to change, ultimately making funerary culture less important for status differentiation in the rapidly changing context of Hellenistic Italy.

In 1816 the Bey of Tripoli presented to the Prince Regent a cargo of antiquities from Lepcis Magna. They were brought to England in 1817, and, after a sojourn in the courtyard of the British Museum, went to Virginia Water with material from other sources, to be disposed in a sham ruin. One inscribed stone was subsequently returned to the British Museum. Its findspot is certain, for it was seen c. 1806 at Lepcis Magna by J. D. Delaporte, among the remains of a building since identified as, possibly, the Temple of Jupiter Dolichenus.

It is a block of the grey limestone typical of public building at Lepcis in the first and early second centuries A.D., part of an entablature, with mouldings above and below, a socket for a roofbeam at the back, and a monumental inscription on the face. Previous publications of the text are incomplete. There are two lines of Latin, followed by one in neo-Punic. The Latin text reads:

… VESPASIAN]I F DOM[ITIAN… (erased)

…] AVG SVFE[…

To theorize with regard to the development of South Italy in prehistoric times is at once easy and dangerous: easy because the ascertained facts to be accounted for are few, dangerous because the chance of new and disconcerting discoveries is greatest in an unexplored territory. At the same time the theory which is at present most widely held with regard to the early iron age in South Italy is not entirely convincing. Until recently the history of South Italy in pre-Roman times was almost a complete blank, no explanation being possible because there were no facts to be explained. But the discoveries at Torre del Mordillo, Spezzano Calabrese, Piedimonte d'Alife, Cuma, Suessola, and other places have lately provided a certain basis for construction. Very few attempts, however, have been made to supply the explanation of these data; indeed archaeologists were already well employed upon the far more copious material of Northern and Central Italy. But in 1899 interest in the south of the Peninsula was heightened by Quagliati's discovery of a terramara at Tarentum. To anyone who has examined the immense mass of material from this site there can be no particle of doubt that the terramara of Scoglio del Tonno at Tarentum is exactly identical in type with the terremare of the Po valley.

The Columbarium of Pomponius Hylas is not by any means so well known as it deserves to be; for it is certainly one of the best preserved monuments of its kind, and it is with great pleasure that we are able to include in the present volume of the Papers of the School the interesting series of drawings by Mr. F. G. Newton. It is situated on the Via Latina, immediately before the Porta Latina of the Aurelian Wall, on the righthand side going out (Lanciani, Forma Urbis, 46), in the former Vigna Sassi: it is, however, best approached from the Via Appia, inasmuch as the custodian of the tomb of the Scipiones keeps the key.

Previous excavations in the sixteenth century are mentioned by Flaminio Vacca (Mem. 100, ed. Fea), but nothing of importance was found. The monument in question was excavated in 1831, permission having been granted at the end of January of that year: its discovery was announced in a letter of Campana's bearing date March 28 of that year (Atti del Camerlengato, Tit. iv. fasc. 1460). The columbarium was approached, not from the Via Latina, but from a branch road running S.E. and passing in front of the entrance, according to Campana (tav. i. A, frontispiece, and p. 301), while Lanciani shows pavement on the N.W. side, on which Campana, in the frontispiece, seems to represent the remains of another tomb, so that this pavement is probably modern.