The internet, social media and online profiling have fundamentally changed advertising, and the regulation of gambling advertising has not yet managed to address the challenges and opportunities arising from this technological shift. Furthermore, the regulation of gambling does not take into account sufficiently the needs of children and vulnerable persons. We review the empirical research on the impact of gambling advertising and show how regulatory standards firmly adhere to the transmission theory of communication that prioritises the communicative intent of the advertiser over how the advertising message is received by or impacts on vulnerable people. This article reviews the law on gambling advertising and argues that for gambling, the restrictions imposed by the largely co-regulatory system only have limited effect. We compare the regulation of gambling advertising, by way of analogy, to a sieve that holds only a little water, and make recommendations for legal reform.

Given that the modern law of contract is geared to the protection of reasonable expectation, is this approach capable of extension to contracting in electronic environments, particularly to mass consumer contracting via the Internet? The position taken in this paper is that the gearing of the modern law is largely appropriate. Applying such a modern approach to the provision of dedicated legal regimes for electronic commerce, the principle of ‘medium neutrality’ puts electronic environments on the same footing as traditional contracting environments; and the principles of fair dealing developed for traditional consumer marketplaces are copied across to virtual shopping sites. Whilst we contend that a revolution in the technology of contracting does not imply a revolution in contractual principles, we accept that it will not always be straightforward for the law to implement or respond to the reasonable expectations of Internet contractors (particularly so where, as is increasingly the case, contractors from radically different cultures are connected by the Internet).

It was not within the terms of reference of the Royal Commission on Legal Services to bring under review either procedure or the administration of justice. Nevertheless, the Commission received so much evidence on these subjects that it saw fit to publish a summary of that evidence and to recommend that ‘a full appraisal of procedure and the operation in practice of our system of justice, in particular in all civil courts’ should be carried out. Since then, the Committee on Procedure and Practice in the Chancery Division has reported, its recommendations have been largely implemented, and numerous changes of practice in the High Court and the Court of Appeal have been introduced by rule of court and practice direction.

This paper examines the concept of environmental justice with particular reference to its development in the UK. The paper analyses the empirical evidence behind environmental justice and argues that, while the body of evidence is compelling, it simultaneously highlights a number of limitations. Moreover, the paper offers an analysis of the multiple responses taken at official and non-governmental organisation levels to environmental justice. The paper argues that often these responses are vague and diverse, and run the risk of rendering environmental justice, as a concept, ineffective. Finally, the paper discusses what role the law may be able to play in shaping environmental justice debates in the UK.

Following the Supreme Court decisions in Manchester CC v Pinnock and Hounslow CC v Powell, this article examines the possible impact of Article 8 of the European Convention on Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms upon protection of the home in creditor repossession proceedings. The central argument advanced is that, although occupiers may not all be protected through property law, they may enjoy an independent right to respect for their home under Article 8, which should be acknowledged in the legal frameworks governing creditor's enforcement rights against the home. The article suggests that the most common creditor enforcement route, through mortgage repossession proceedings, falls short in this regard. It takes as its primary focus the treatment of children in such proceedings to provide an example of the potential for a human rights-based property protection heralded by these two Supreme Court decisions.

This paper sets out the findings of an exploratory study that, drawing on the so-called ‘new sociology of childhood’, has theorised the child as a competent social actor and conjectured that, on this basis, whilst they might lack formal legal capacity, children may nevertheless possess legal capability. Taking a child-first (as opposed to a law-first) approach, the study has sought to assess children's legal understanding using digital gaming as a research tool. We have identified as an area of particular strength children's attitudes to gender equality, and we have determined that many children demonstrate competency to deal with consumer-related issues appropriately. However, at the other extreme, we have established that children demonstrate considerable uncertainty concerning the levels of force that adult authority figures are permitted to exercise over them. We have found in the course of this study that children are competent and willing to express their views on matters that concern them. However, they do not expect to be invited to do this in their day-to-day lives. Related to this we have found a vast lack of awareness among children concerning the rights afforded to them under the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child.

The norm in fitness to practise proceedings (FTPP) is that where sanctions might be imposed procedural fairness requires a court-like hearing. This paper questions that paradigm, using empirical research to focus on the FTPP to which social workers must account. Procedural fairness is a multi-faceted legitimising concept used to justify the design of decision-making processes. With FTPPs, the major justification is an ‘instrumentally’ focused model of procedural fairness which prioritises making decisions that look right, a goal which is delivered in the context of social work. But other justifications for procedural fairness are inadequately fulfilled, with in particular a ‘dignitarian’ respect not achieved due to the high levels of non-attendance by registrant social workers. Further, procedural fairness as ‘public accountability’ is undermined due to the relative lack of engagement of FTPPs with the perspective of the social work community. These findings hint that in the context of a poorly organised and resource-poor profession other hybrid forms of FTPP might have a stronger claim to procedural fairness than the court-like model.

The first part of this paper asks if the Creditors' Bargain Model, long employed by insolvency scholars as the starting point for many an analysis, can explain or justify even the most distinctive and fundamental feature of insolvency law. After examining the defining features of the model's construction, the role of self-interest and consent in it, and its ex ante position, it is concluded that the Bargain model can neither explain nor legitimate the coercive collective liquidation regime. The second part of the paper develops an alternative model to analyse and justify insolvency law. The starting premise is that all (but only) those affected by issues peculiarly governed by insolvency law are to be given a choice in selecting the principles which would determine their rights and obligations. Once these parties have been identified, they are to be given equal weight in the selection process, since their legal status (whether they are employees, secured or unsecured creditors, etc), wealth, cognitive abilities, and bargaining strength are all morally irrelevant in framing rules of justice. This part of the paper introduces the notion of a constructive attribute, characteristics this society accepts its citizens should have in their role as legislators. So all parties affected by insolvency issues are regarded as free, equal, and reasonable. The model sketched out in this part of the article requires all principles to be selected from its choice position. Here, all the parties are deprived of any knowledge of personal attributes, and must reason rationally. It is shown that parties in the choice position would in fact choose the principles laying down the automatic stay on unsecured claims. The paper concludes with the demonstration that because of the construction of the choice position and the constructive attributes of the parties bargaining in it, the principles chosen are fair and just, and chosen in exercise of the parties' autonomy. As it happens, they are also efficient.

Pursuit of the proceeds of crime has always been central to the criminal justice agenda of Tony Blair‧s Labour Party. In response to Blair‧s moral imperatives and to wider global forces, legislation has been put in place that targets, in various ways, the proceeds of crime. These efforts reached at least a temporary culmination in the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002. The mechanisms directed against property are backed by widespread reporting obligations, set out in the Money Laundering Regulations 2003, implementing the Amending EU Directive. The increased rate of seizures and growing rate of confiscation under the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002 and a number of decided cases under the Act are evidence of the courts ‘doing their bit’. A large industry is now in place for the delivery of the legal and other services the need for which was generated by the Proceeds of Crime Act 2002.

Local community opposition to environmentally significant development proposals is commonplace, with environmental issues often at the forefront of community concerns. Whilst the development consent system provides multiple opportunities for local community groups to participate in the initial decision-making process, a legal commitment to such participation ensures neither its quality nor its effectiveness. This is especially so for local group ‘have-nots’ who lack resource and expertise, and whose focus on locally-based objections can delegitimise their valid and often broader concerns about the proposed development. This paper argues that access to legal expertise plays a significant role in promoting principles of fairness and competence in participation by helping shape local opposition views in a way that is both understood and accepted as valid by the planning system. Whilst there are important and valuable sources of advice and support currently available, many local groups find themselves in the position of having to raise considerable funds to pay for the legal expertise they need. This unsatisfactory position needs to be addressed if local groups are to meaningfully engage with the planning process.

This paper examines the role of apology as a vehicle for shame management in the aftermath of historical institutional abuse (HIA). It draws on extensive fieldwork in Ireland, North and South, including: archival research on public apologies; focus groups with members of the public and with victims; and semi-structured interviews with key stakeholders. It focuses on the complexities of apology in managing ‘shame’ and ‘self-blame’ for those constituencies affected by HIA – survivors, apologisers, institutions and wider society. Drawing on the notions of ‘shame’ and ‘shame management’, it proposes an interdependent model in order to better understand the function and meaning of apology in such contexts. In addressing the multi-layered relational dimensions of shame surrounding HIA, apology is presented as a potential means of invoking: (a) truth for victims; (b) accountability of offenders; (c) leadership of institutions; and (d) the re-imagination of national identity. The paper concludes by examining the additional performative aspects of shaming and the emotional expression of remorse in establishing proximity to historical wrongdoing.

‘Revenge porn’ is conceptualised as a modern phenomenon which the law is not equipped to deal with. The advent of smartphone technology has allowed sexually explicit material to be created easily and disseminated quickly. An increasing number of individuals have fallen victim to this phenomenon in recent years. This paper submits that victims of revenge porn ought to be held due monetary redress in the civil law, while acknowledging that the damage done by revenge porn need not necessarily involve a loss. Victims of revenge porn are likely to suffer from severe emotional distress and upset, but these injuries are non-patrimonial. This can consequently make it difficult to frame an action for damages. This paper asks if the delict iniuria might offer appropriate remedy in instances of revenge porn. The actio iniuriarum was, in Roman law, a delict which served to protect the non-patrimonial aspects of a person's existence – ‘who a person is rather than what a person has’. As the propagation of sexually explicit images of an individual without their consent is clearly an affront to the esteem of that individual, it is argued that instances of revenge porn ought to be considered actionable as iniuria in modern Scottish law.

This paper evaluates the impact of a substandard presidential election. Using Kenya as a case study, it reviews the 2007 vote. The paper contends that there is a link between free and fair elections and the enjoyment of human rights. It argues that in order for states in Africa to walk the (desired) democratic path, sitting governments must comply with internationally recognised standards. While focusing on the violence that rocked the country, the paper analyses the causes and implications of the much-disputed presidential poll. Also evaluated is the role the international community can play in resolving a crisis. The paper concludes by asserting that a rule of law culture must be embraced if human rights and democracy are to flourish in Africa.

The role of independent institutions, the relationship between independence and accountability, and the meaning and significance of these concepts in terms of democratic ideals, are issues that constitutional analysis of modem government can hardly avoid. The institutions and practice of government audit provide concrete illustrations of the complexities and dilemmas involved in such analysis.

Auditors themselves conventionally distinguish internal from external audit. A widely accepted definition is that external audit means the examination of accounts and other activities, conducted from outside an organisation by an independent review body for the purpose of holding managers to account. In contrast, internal audit takes place within an organisation, to review accounting and other operations as a service to management. An internal audit unit normally operates separately from those within the organisation who are responsible for the activities under review.

It is an accepted principle of domestic and international law and policy that the welfare or best interests of the child must be the primary or paramount consideration in any decision made with regard to that child's upbringing. While this ‘best interests standard’ has become a core principle of welfare law, what might constitute a child or young person's best interests is given very little formal shape or content. This has provoked sustained criticism from practitioners, academics and the judiciary. In response, this paper argues that the capabilities approach can give best interests assessments much needed normative content, thereby addressing many of the criticisms directed towards the standard. The approach provides a theoretically nuanced framework for theorising about basic social justice and for evaluation, deliberation, and policy development across social welfare sectors. In arguing for a capabilities approach to best interests assessments, the paper sets out an agenda for change. It addresses the conceptual and methodological justifications for this change, and explores the empirical work that would be required. It identifies the steps and underlying principles necessary for a best interests process aligned with the capabilities approach, providing the necessary foundations for a radical reconceptualisation of best interests processes.

Contemporary state authorities in the United Kingdom and elsewhere have increasingly sought to regulate the use of public space. This paper explores through a doctrinal and socio-legal analysis how recently introduced Public Spaces Protection Orders (PSPOs) are being used in England and Wales to enforce majoritarian sensibilities at the expense of due process and civil liberties. PSPOs were introduced in October 2014. These orders grant considerable discretion to local authorities to use the threat of criminal sanction to regulate activities in public spaces that they regard as being detrimental to the quality of life of residents. This paper provides the first comprehensive critique of how these orders are used to target minority and vulnerable groups, while curtailing fundamental freedoms. The paper includes suggestions for reforms to make the PSPO function in a manner that is more compatible with a rights-based approach.

This paper examines judicial leadership on the UK Supreme Court. It does not confine itself to the formal roles of the President and Deputy President. Rather, building on existing categories of judicial leadership, including administrative, jurisprudential and community leadership, it considers the contributions of all 12 Justices. In so doing, it provides a significant compilation of quantitative data on the activities of the Justices of the Supreme Court both on and off the bench from the the Court's inception in 2009 to the end of the 2014-2015 legal year. From this, we suggest that while a number of the Justices engaged in one or two broad forms of leadership – with Lady Hale in particular demonstrating a substantial degree of leadership across all three dimensions – at the other end of the spectrum, at least on the measures used in this paper, a significant minority did not. In the light of this, and the significant number of recent and forthcoming retirements from the Court, the paper concludes by considering the implications of our findings for the future of the Court. We argue that these retirements will result in gaps in both formal and informal judicial leadership, and it is vital that these gaps are filled by appointees who are capable of, and prepared to step up to, diverse and varied forms of judicial leadership.

In 1979, Allen Smith suggested that there was to be a ‘coming renaissance’ in Law and Literature as a teaching discipline. In fact, Law and Literature had already arrived. In 1973, James Boyd White had publishedhis The Legal Imagination, and had geared it primarily to the teaching and study of law. Of the many intriguing characteristics of the Law and Literature movement, one of the most exciting and most valuable, is the fact that, unlike many other theoretical approaches to the problems of law, the ambition of Law and Literature is firstly educative, and only then, secondly, social and political. Moreover this secondary ambition, has tended, in two senses, to be appended to the educational ambition. In one sense, it is additional in that the political manifesto is supposed to emerge from the educational force of literature. In a second sense, it is additional because politics was certainly not such a ranking ambition in the earliest days of the Law and Literature movement, and it is no concidence that the politicization of Law and Literature has come about as its star has risen, whilst that of Critical Legal Studies has declined

The usual excuse for regulation is the failure of market provision. This paper examines legal services and suggests that, in the case of provision of commercial legal services to corporate clients, true events of market failure, to support the case for regulation, and more particularly self-regulation, are hard to locate. It further argues that the market for legal services is heavily stratified with a commercial legal services market effectively operating quite separately to that of professional legal services for private clients. In consequence, it may be more effective and proportionate to adopt differentiated strategies of regulation. This might be achieved by shifting the focus of regulation away from the individual practitioner, as is historically the case, towards law firms as such. This simple step, it is suggested, could facilitate much greater liberalisation of the market for legal services. This proposal is explored with particular reference to freedom of services within the European single market and, as a backdrop to the paper, progress to date in facilitating cross-border legal services in Europe is reviewed.

As Millett LJ recently remarked, there can be no doubt that ‘the most difficult question’ to be solved in the law of restitution is the exact circumstances in which a proprietary restitutionary remedy will be available to a restitutionary claimant. The boundary between restitution and property is still largely unmapped and continues to generate controversy. What is needed is a comprehensive and systematic enquiry into the effects that the various restitutionary factors (mistake, duress, failure of consideration and so on) have on the passing of property between plaintiff and defendant. That, however, would require a whole book, or, at the very least, a series of articles. This article takes a modest step in that direction by concentrating on one specific topic within the area of restitution and property, viz, the inter-relationship between the law of restitution and resulting trusts.