In their 1995 Latin American Antiquity article, Haviland and Haviland argued that the people who produced much of the graffiti of Tikal were depicting visions from altered states of consciousness. In this paper, I argue that there is room for alternative interpretations. Comparison with children"s drawings from across the world suggests that children or people without training in Maya representational conventions authored a portion of the graffiti. Though this portion may be small, the possibility that children were involved provides a rare opportunity to discuss the experience of childhood. I argue that the content of the graffiti and the inter-subjective context of its production reveal several processes of becoming. Among other things, the graffiti permit an account of how children learn: legitimate participation in a community of people with varied levels of experience. This relational understanding of graffiti production also provides grounds for considering innovation and transformation in the medium of expression. Finally, I argue that the act of representation gives young people a form of mastery over the themes they portray. This helps them to accommodate confusing or difficult relations in their lives and to harmonize with their world in such a way that makes them culturally intelligible subjects.

Across the Americas, but particularly in the Amazon Basin, precolumbian farmers invested their labor in features such as canals, causeways, and raised fields, creating agricultural landscapes. These landscapes required organized action in order to build and maintain them. Such actions can be usefully described as "tasks" to draw specific connections between communal work and landscape features (Ingold 1993). Using two parallel examples from the precolumbian Bolivian Amazon, this article presents landscape features as correlates of the variety and scale of tasks that compose the processes of creating and managing them. Data come from remote sensing and pedestrian survey. The execution of some tasks affects the execution of others, meaning that landscapes are the result of overlapping, interdependent communal tasks. This taskscape perspective allows landscapes to be compared with greater precision and shows that details of local spatial and task organization are important to understanding agricultural change. The comparison of two taskscapes reveals details of daily life and intensive agriculture that are obscured by the classification of societies as states or chiefdoms.

This study builds on the premise that local knowledge of limestone—and its workable characteristics—was foundational to landscape inhabitation in the Puuc region of Yucatán, México. Classic Maya architecture of the northern Yucatán generally is considered to represent the apogee of Maya construction prowess with extensive use of core-veneer masonry and the creation of tall, wide corbelled vaults. Less commonly discussed is the variable distribution of high-quality limestone across the Yucatán, the social matrix that undergirds the quarrying, transporting, and working of limestone, and the pronounced social differences materialized in stone architecture. This study explores these three topics by bringing to bear Yucatec Mayan linguistic evidence and excavation data from the archaeological site of Sayil, in the hilly Puuc region of Yucatán. That information provides a basis for understanding the development of a sprawling residential complex, the role that variable limestone quality played in its expansion, and serves as an index of intra-compound social difference. Late additions to the dwellings indicate that recognition of the cultural value of carved stone persisted long after masonry skills became attenuated. The durability of stone renders it a particularly effective—if underutilized—medium for interpreting social landscapes of the past.

Scientific drawings, including maps, are increasingly recognized as theory-laden media for conveying information. The degree to which this quality impacts archaeological interpretations is revealed in the history of the published maps of La Venta, a Formative period Mesoamerican regional center. La Venta is pivotal to understanding the Olmec culture of Mexico’s Gulf Coast, yet archaeological knowledge is based primarily on one small portion of the site, Complex A, excavated in 1955. Since destroyed, Complex A is now known especially through visual representations. A review of the Complex A maps in the original field report and subsequent publications demonstrates how these technical drawings have sometimes superseded the textual excavation data in generating and disseminating archaeological knowledge. Over time the maps have become more schematic and misleading, impeding understandings of La Venta and its role in regional cultural manifestations. Reliance on totalizing plan maps has led most archaeologists to overlook the 1955 excavators’ major interpretations of the construction history of Complex A. However, the 1955 conclusions regarding the longevity of the formal design rules of the complex, reiterated by later archaeologists precisely because they are clearly visible in plan maps, are less well supported by the stratigraphic evidence.

En las últimas dos décadas se ha producido un incremento notable de la información arqueológica sobre las Tierras Bajas sudamericanas. No obstante, el mapa arqueológico de este área sigue contando con algunos vacíos importantes para conocer las particularidades del registro en cada región específica y muchas regiones están aún poco estudiadas. Uno de estos vacíos corresponde al Delta del río Paraná, que en los últimos años ha empezado a ser objeto de investigaciones sistemáticas. En este artículo se realiza una revisión crítica del estado actual de las investigaciones en el Delta del Paraná y se sintetiza la evidencia obtenida en las nuevas investigaciones efectuadas por los autores en el Delta Superior. Se discuten además los patrones de uso del espacio deltaico durante el Holoceno Tardío. En este contexto, se aborda el desarrollo de la arquitectura en tierra en el marco de una perspectiva suprarregional y comparada, integrando en la discusión otros casos de áreas vecinas (Uruguay y sur de Brasil) en los que la ocupación intensiva de tierras bajas condujo a la construcción de montículos (localmente denominados cerritos). Finalmente se exploran las evidencias arqueológicas e históricas que sugieren cierto grado de desigualdad social entre las poblaciones humanas del Delta del Paraná.

Equating a single cultural group to a classificatory scheme has implications for not only how archaeologists develop the concept of cultural identity but how we investigate and theorize about internal social dynamics within that same society. For the ancient Maya, social organization remains largely understood as a two-class system—that of commoner and elite. While these categories reflect the extreme ends of known social strata, they inadequately characterize the reality of day-to-day interactions. This has led to tacit assumptions that commoners did not participate in or comprehend the political and social complexity of the world around them. This paper examines how occupants of a Late Classic Maya neighborhood employed ritual and public practices as a means of social differentiation. Excavations at the Northeast Group, part of the ancient Maya site of Chan, Belize, identified considerable diversity between households, suggesting that occupants shaped status and identity through the control and centralization of ritual. Understanding how people distinguished themselves within the context of a neighborhood provides direct evidence of class complexity, challenging traditional models of commoner behavior and more importantly the role they played in ancient Maya society as a whole.

Some 3,500 years ago, the Sechín Alto Polity built large, precisely planned cities, one of which contained the largest structures in the New World at that time. Such accomplishments reflect strong, enduring leadership, and we propose that the power and leadership role of these leaders was tangibly manifested by a unique, widely used architectural element and by a related symbol within polity iconography. The distinctive architectural form is a free-standing module that is omnipresent in power loci: temple, palace, storehouse, mid-level administrative buildings, roadside structures, and a satellite site. We also interpret recurring symbols within Sechín Alto Polity iconography as more abstract representations of this architectural form in its capacity as a power symbol. The essence of this "architecture of power" transcended time as the modular form was imitated by a subsequent polity.

The labor investment in ancient monumental architecture is an important factor in hypotheses concerning a society’s size, organization, and social complexity. Most methods of quantifying labor expenditures are limited to simply designed structures with a minimal number of elements. Due to the lack of practical analytical methods, complex architecture is often described subjectively, offering little quantitative value, resulting in inferences that could be misleading or wrong. Using Ciudadela Rivero at the site of Chan Chan, Peru, as a case study, this research employed construction industry-standard planning, estimating, and scheduling tools to calculate the labor requirements and construction times under various building scenarios. Additionally, the application of Critical Path Method scheduling provides the means to model and compare numerous building scenarios by simulating the effects of various construction and labor organization strategies in their cultural context. The results for Ciudadela Rivero revealed a labor input of over two million labor hours, which could be accomplished by a modest labor force of as few as 250 workers over a six-year period. These data affect numerous archaeological hypotheses concerning scale of construction, organization of labor, and complexity of social organization.

The archaeological setting of the La Tolita—Tumaco culture is briefly discussed as a framework for the examination of the metallurgy of the area, in particular the gold—platinum alloys used to make platinum-coated gold objects, platinum—gold sintered alloys, and platinum—gold foil—plated objects. The sophisticated approach to the manipulation of metallic materials resulted in several notable advances being made by the La Tolita—Tumaco culture: the production of extremely fine rectangular wire, bimetallic tumbaga alloys, small lead spheres inlaid with platinum, soldering, granulation, and a degree of sophistication to metalworking that is very impressive and, in some cases, unique in the world. Some selected examples are discussed, and the microstructure of a representative selection of the La Tolita material, bimetallic tumbaga construction, the initial sintered gold—platinum product, platinum-plated gold, and heavily worked gold—platinum composite artifacts are presented.

Owing to poor preservation of organic remains in humid environments, direct evidence of early manioc (Manihot esculenta Crantz) cultivation is exceptionally rare in datable archaeological contexts. Recent research summarized here offers new insights into the spatio-temporal framework of the initial domestication and early spread of manioc in the Neotropics. Integrating evidence from comparative plant genetics and paleoethnobotanic starch analysis to contribute to the archaeology of manioc origins, this review finds that (1) the strongest candidate for the botanical origin of domesticated manioc—the wild progenitor of the root crop—is the species Manihot esculenta subspecies flabellifolia (Pohl) Ciferri; (2) the geographical origin of manioc—the biome in which the progenitor evolved—is most likely in the savannas, the Brazilian Cerrado, to the south of the Amazon rainforest; (3) the Cerrado is also, in our best estimate, the region of agricultural origin of initial cultivation; (4) domesticated manioc had spread from the agricultural origin by the early Holocene, possibly as early as 10,000 years ago, but certainly by 7000 B.C.; and (5) domesticated manioc was a readily available plant in most habitats of the Neotropics by the mid-Holocene, at least some 6500 years ago.

Proponents of site-planning studies argue that the Ancient Maya expressed both political and cosmological symbolism in architecture and site plans, while detractors fault site-planning advocates for not being scientifically rigorous in their methods. Recently, the debate between the two sides has focused on whether or not the Maya created cosmograms in the layouts of their sites. Our recent investigations at La Milpa, Belize attempt to redirect site-planning studies back to a more encompassing approach that searches for meaning at various scales. In doing so, we propose that planning and engineering be considered together and that engineering can include ritual or symbolic components. This paper focuses on two contemporaneous caches, each of which contains incised jar lids decorated with a mat design. We argue the caches are ritually engineered deposits that integrate otherwise discrete architectural components into a coherent Late/Terminal Classic royal precinct plan. Furthermore, the mat design on the jar lids suggests royal sponsorship of the engineering and construction of the plaza. While much of the symbolism in the caches is unclear, we are able to recognize that political and/or cosmological symbolic communication has occurred as part of a ritually engineered component of Plaza B at La Milpa.

Las puntas de proyectil Cola de Pescado o tipo Fell I son comúnmente asociadas con las poblaciones que habitaron Sudamérica durante el Pleistoceno Tardío - Holoceno Temprano. La mayoría de estas puntas han sido recuperadas en la región pampeana argentina, Uruguay, Chile central y Patagonia meridional. Se definen por poseer limbo convexo, hombros redondeados, pedúnculo de bordes levemente cóncavos, base cóncava y en algunos casos acanaladura en una o ambas caras del pedúnculo. La presencia de acanaladura y su asignación cronológica han sido propuestas como evidencias para sustentar el vínculo cultural con las puntas tempranas de Norteamérica. Con el objetivo de explorar cuantitativamente las variaciones en forma y tamaño, se aplicaron técnicas de morfometría geométrica a una muestra de 24 puntas recuperadas en Uruguay. Las variaciones morfológicas fueron contrastadas con atributos métricos, procedencia geográfica y tipo de materia prima lítica. Los resultados no sugieren relaciones entre las variables morfológicas, procedencia y tipo de materia prima. Sin embargo, se observa una correlación significativa entre forma y tamaño, lo cual indica una relación alométrica. Finalmente, se discuten los resultados en términos de diseño e historia de vida de los artefactos y sus relaciones con la tecnología de los cazadores-recolectores del Pleistoceno Tardío-Holoceno Temprano.

This paper pursues the application of a central tenet of the dual-processual framework, the corporate/network continuum, to the development of Uxbenká, a small monument-bearing polity in the southern Maya Lowlands. During its growth, Uxbenká underwent a transformation from a small farming community to a complex polity with many of the trappings of elite authority that characterizes Classic Maya centers. It was one of the earliest complex polities to develop on the southeastern periphery of the Maya lowlands during the Early Classic period (A.D. 300—600). The polity was founded upon earlier agricultural communities that are now known to extend back to at least A.D. 100. Starting after A.D. 200 the location of the original agricultural village (Group A) was leveled and reorganized to form a public monument garden and the center of political authority throughout much of the Classic period (A.D. 400—800). In this article we present radiocarbon ages from well-defined stratigraphic contexts to establish a site chronology. Based on these data we suggest that by A.D. 450 Uxbenká was the center of a regional political system connected to some of the larger polities in the Maya world (e.g., Tikal). We argue that at this time Uxbenká underwent a significant change from a polity organized by a corporate inclusionary form of ruler-ship to a more networked one marked by exclusionary authority vested in elites who privileged their ancestral relations and network interactions across the geopolitical landscape.

The Carboncillo area in the southern highlands of Ecuador is identified as the only confirmed source of archaeological obsidian located in the country outside of the northern highlands and is the first identified in the large gap between the known Ecuadorian and Peruvian sources. With the identification of this source, it can no longer be assumed that all obsidian found in Ecuador came from sources in the northern highlands. Thus the Carboncillo source has significant implications for interpreting patterns of long-distance exchange in the Andes, especially in southern Ecuador and the far north of Peru. A geochemical analysis of the Carboncillo material shows that it can be easily distinguished from the obsidian from other Ecuadorian sources. A provenance study of archaeological obsidian samples from the southern highlands of Ecuador using x-ray fluorescence demonstrates that the Carboncillo obsidian was used at the Preceramic site of Chobshi Cave and at a number of late prehispanic sites in the Saraguro region. The results indicate a high level of sociopolitical and economic isolation in late prehistory, most likely tied to a preoccupation with warfare between neighboring groups, and provide additional evidence that the economic organization of the southern highlands differed markedly from that of the north during this time.

El artículo presenta la localización de 10 canteras de ágata traslúcida descubiertas en la Región Arqueológica Catalanes Nacientes Arapey (RACNA), definiendo una zona de abastecimiento de ágatas en el norte de Uruguay. Esta materia prima es el segundo recurso lítico más utilizado en los contextos estratigráficos tempranos datados por ¹⁴C en el noroeste de Uruguay, luego de la arenisca silicificada. Se analiza la frecuencia-distribución de ágata traslúcida en dos sitios residenciales de cazadores-recolectores tempranos, Pay Paso 1 (11,000-8500 a.P.), sitio K87 (10,420 a.P.), y en un sitio canterataller Catalán Seco 1 (CS-1). Se presenta una sólida base cronológica para el sitio Pay Paso 1 que incluye 32 fechas ¹⁴C lo que permitió reconocer tres componentes tempranos donde se registra una tecnología orientada hacia la producción de hojas durante el inicio de ocupación de Pay Paso 1 (10,930-10,880 a.P.). El trabajo discute las formas principales de aprovisionamiento del ágata traslúcida durante el poblamiento de Uruguay, que se relacionan con la accesibilidad del recurso, la tecnología lítica, el territorio y la movilidad de los cazadores-recolectores tempranos de la región. Se registran desplazamientos de entre 140-170 km desde sitios residenciales hasta la zona de aprovisionamiento de ágata.

Ancient Mesoamericans were making rubber by at least 1600 B.C, mixing latex from Castilla elastica trees with juice from Ipomoea alba (morning glory) vines. The combination of ethnographic, archaeological and mechanical data presented in this text illustrate that ancient Mesoamericans had fully developed this process, and consciously tailored the mechanical properties of rubber to suit requirements of specific applications by altering the ratio of latex to I. alba juice. Our data focus on rubber balls, sandal soles, and rubber bands for hafting and joining. Elasticity, the mechanical property that defines the ability of a rubber ball to bounce, is maximized with a 1:1 volume ratio of latex to I. alba juice. Rubber with high wear resistance, vital to the life and functionality of a sandal sole, can be created by mixing C. elastica latex with 25 percent I. alba juice by volume. Unprocessed C. elastica latex, without I. alba juice, is the material best suited for joining applications, such as adhesives or hafting bands, where strength and ability to absorb shock is of the greatest importance. Tribute data from sixteenth-century codices substantiate that rubber was processed for specific applications within the Aztec empire—rubber and latex goods were processed and constructed in the C. elastica-bearing regions, and then shipped to the capital for use or further distribution.

One of the most serious limitations in studies of prehistoric hunter-gatherer societies based on the archaeological record has been the difficulty of establishing distinctions among groups that inhabited a given area at the same time. This article suggests that, at least during a period ranging from 3000 B.C. to A.D. 1000, the Central Chilean Andes, specifically the Maipo River Valley, was occupied by two groups of hunter-gatherers that were distinct enough for us to propose that they were actually two different social units.

This paper presents studies and discussions of pottery-making practices during the Late period (ca. A.D. 900—1450) in Northwestern Argentina. It stems from an extensive archaeological research project carried out in the middle sector of the Abaucán Valley, Province of Catamarca, Argentina. Pottery production during this period is evaluated through the study of technological choices and technical identity, as well as its relationship to the technical behaviors developed by potters. The analysis of a large sample of ceramic sherds, complete vessels, and overfired sherds indicates that the potters produced a very narrow repertoire of ceramic forms (bowls, urns, and ollas) using local raw materials and technology, the latter with a strong hold in the area. Pottery production during the Late period was carried out in household contexts, becoming increasingly intensified and concentrated with the appearance of Inkas in the region. Additionally, some ideas are discussed concerning the technological choices of ancient potters during this period, and the implications for technological studies in archaeological ceramics.

The archaeological record of Easter Island (Rapa Nui) has long captivated the public and archaeologists alike. The monumental statues (moai) are the most famous of the archaeological features of the island. Other aspects of the record, however, include platforms (ahu), statue (moai), transport roads, and a wide range of architectural features. Although large portions of the island have been surveyed as part of government-funded projects to document the archaeological record, there is yet no single publicly available and published source providing data on the composition and distribution of moai, ahu, or the many other architectural/artifact classes of the island. Here, we describe a project to build a publicly accessible archaeological database. Using the freely available Google Earthtm mapping service, which provides high-resolution color images of the earth’s surface, photographs, and data generated from recent surveys, we show how researchers can contribute to this database making the archaeological record freely available to everyone with an interest in the archaeology of Easter Island.