The Arab-Israel armistice system has entered its fifth year, with no signs of a political settlement in the offing. Indeed, the portents in the early fall of 1953 appear more ominous than for many months past. Daily murders, thefts and arson on both sides of the 594 winding miles of armistice demarcation lines have kept tensions at fever pitch. The Arab states have not relaxed their economic boycott or blockade practices against Israel. The transfer of Israel's foreign office to Jerusalem as the final step in converting its part of the city into the nation's capital, the progressive execution of the Hulah reclamation and irrigation scheme which in part involves construction on Arab-owned land in the demilitarized zone along the Syrian border and the erection of a Jewish village in the demilitarized zone along the Egyptian frontier have evoked vigorous protests from the Arab states. Israel's moves were apparently designed as a warning that it would proceed with its program of development and consolidation throughout the area claimed by the Jewish state, if the Arab governments continued to reject the offer of direct negotiations for a settlement of political differences.

More rapid industrial and agricultural development of the economically underdeveloped three-quarters of the globe is the most important long-run task in international relations, with the sole exception of avoiding major warfare. While economic development depends primarily upon domestic efforts to marshal and direct resources, both human and material, the marshaling and direction of supplementary external resources can assist materially in attempting to achieve that objective. While the major external resources necessary to supplement domestic efforts will continue to be governmental and intergovernmental assistance, there has been for some time now, and will doubtless continue to be, a substantial insufficiency of such resources.

Hall and Kratochwil raise several serious claims in their critique of my recent article on feudal Europe. In order to demonstrate that these claims are unwarranted and that my study is sound, I will address the following points: (1) the relevance of context to empirical analysis, (2) counterfactual evidence and the representativeness of sample, (3) understanding the normative argument of critical theory, and (4) the accuracy of my citations.

After years of hesitation, Canada is now seriously considering full membership in the Organization of American States (OAS). The initiative for this shift in policy has come, not from officials in die Department of External Affairs, but principally from Prime Minister John Diefenbaker and especially die Secretary of State for External Affairs, Howard Green. Both have returned within die past year from visits soudi of the Rio Grande critical of Canada's traditional neglect of its interests in Latin America.

The General Assembly held its 21st session, comprising the 1409th–1501st plenary meetings, at UN Headquarters from September 20 to December 20, 1966, during which time it took action on 98 agenda items and adopted 115 resolutions. During the session the Assembly unanimously admitted four new states to UN membership: Guyana on September 20, Botswana and Lesotho on October 17, and Barbados on December 9, 1966. In accordance with a telegram of September 19 from the Ambassador of Indonesia to the United States addressed to the Secretary-General in which he stated that his government had decided to resume full cooperation with the United Nations and to resume participation in its activities starting with the 21st session of the Assembly and upon the Assembly's expression of its agreement to that effect Indonesia resumed full participation in the work of the UN on September 28. The Organization's total membership thereby reached 122 during the session.

In the mid 1950s, West German industry changed from being oriented primarily towards internal and West European reconstruction needs and the supply of coal and steel, to being more oriented towards the international market of finished goods. Whereas prewar and war-time technology had dominated production processes and products up until then, U.S. competition started to force advanced technologies like computers and atomic energy upon industry.

Along with increased instability in the general political and economic situation of West Germany these changes contributed greatly to progressive differentiation within what had been a more homogenous industry structure and within the West German state apparatus.

One important result of these new trends was the genesis of a foreign atomic policy, resulting in the founding of Euratom. Global versus European orientation, traditional versus “modern” industries, traditional liberal versus new interventionalist policies were joined in the issue and produced a highly ambivalent result. In the attempt to explain and interpret the case of Euratom in this context, theories of integration and of state are tested. The greatest explanatory power is conceded to modern Marxist theories which combine the concept of international dependency with a differentiated concept of relations between state and industry.

The first part of the eighth regular session of the General Assembly met in the General Assembly building at United Nations headquarters from September 15 to December 9, 1953, and considered an agenda of 76 items. After adopting by 44 votes to 10 with 2 abstentions a United States draft resolution to postpone for the duration of the eighth session in the current year consideration of all proposals to exclude representatives of the government of the Republic of China and to seat representatives of the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China, the Assembly elected Mrs. Vijaya Lakshmi Pandit (India) president of the eighth session over Prince Wan Waithayakon (Thailand) by a vote of 37 to 22. Dr. Miguel R. Urquia was elected chairman of the Ad Hoc Political Committee; the following were elected chairmen of the main committees: Political and Security Committee, Fernand van Langenhove (Belgium); Economic and Financial Committee, Leo Mates (Yugoslavia); Social, Humanitarian and Cultural Committee, G. F. Davidson (Canada); Trusteeship Committee, Dr. Santiago Pérez Pérez (Venezuela); Administrative and Budgetary Committee, Awni Khalidy (Iraq); and Legal Committee, Juliusz Katz-Suchy (Poland).

Financial contributions are one among several ways that states provide support for the United Nations. Different levels of contributions may serve as one measure of support, but differences in the size and wealth of states make comparisons of absolute amounts contributed misleading. In this study, member contributions from 1946 through 1969 are examined from a number of perspectives, including a state's relative capacity-to-pay. The results indicate that the United States has not been a particularly generous supporter of the UN even though its support levels have been higher than those of the Soviet Union. In general, smaller and poorer states have tended to assume heavier burdens in UN financing than larger and richer states; the trend over time has been toward increasing burdens for those least able to pay. If these tentative results and other studies of contributions are combined with investigations of other forms of support for the UN, we should be able to develop a fuller understanding of the evolution of commitments toward global organization.

Eighth United Nations Technical Assistance Conference: At the Eighth UN Technical Assistance Conference, held under the presidency of Mr. Drago (Argentina) at UN Headquarters on October 10, 1957, 75 governments announced contributions which amounted to $30,250,000 for 1958. As a result of an increase in the contributions of 21 governments over the 1957 figures, the total contributions announced represented a net increase of approximately $600,000, allowing for actual reductions in several contributions due to fluctuations in the rates of exchange.

Foundational theories of trade politics emphasize a conflict between consumer welfare and protectionist lobbies. But these theories ignore other powerful lobbies that also shape trade policy. We propose a theory of trade distortion arising from conflict between consumer welfare and importer lobbies. We estimate the key parameter of the model—the government's weight on welfare—using original data from Venezuela, where Hugo Chávez used an exchange-rate subsidy to underwrite hundreds of billions of dollars of imports. Whereas estimates from traditional models would make Chávez look like a welfare maximizer, our results indicate that he implemented distortionary commercial policy to the benefit of special interests. Our analysis underscores the importance of tailoring workhorse models to account for differences in interest group configuration. The politics of trade policy is not reducible to the politics of protectionism.

Staff Rules: Pursuant to a General Assembly resolution of November 20, 1947, the Secretary-General (Lie), on May 13, 1948, reported on codification of staff rules for members of the staff of United Nations Secretariat. Specifically, there were provisions relating to duties and responsibilities, salaries and allowances, appointment and probation, promotions, leave, separations, travel, disciplinary measures, staff welfare, and permanent and temporary personnel. The rules became effective on July 1, 1948 and superseded all other provisions in force before that date.

Savage and Deutsch's relative acceptance (RA) index does not actually measure nations' preferences for transactions with one another. Using a modified measure and 1928–71 data for international merchandise trade, I conclude (1) that EEC members' preferences for one another have increased only modestly since the establishment of their Common Market; and (2) that other groups of Western industrial countries have shown a greater rise in intragroup trade preferences in the same period than the EEC. There follows a discussion on the relationship between intraregional transactions preferences and regional political integration. Two conclusions are reached: (1) high intraregional transactions saliences are necessary but not sufficient preconditions for political integration; and (2) rising intraregional transactions preferences must follow political integration. Trade data suggest that, for the EEC, intraregional saliences are probably high enough to permit integration; but slowly increasing preferences suggest that only a little integration can actually have occurred.

The author's first connection with the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) came on the 16th of December, 1950. It was at a time when the world situation seemed to be deteriorating rapidly. The Chinese had just entered the war in Korea and the Council of NATO was to meet in Brussels on December 18th to consider urgent action to strengthen and organize defenses against aggression, should it occur in Europe.

Evidence on the extent of individual demand for international security programs is presented and analyzed. Factors affecting the extent of demand and the circumstances under which individuals might be willing to pay for peacekeeping are discussed. Eliminating the outright prohibition of contributions by individuals would be an effective way to stimulate disclosure of monetary evaluations of international security programs and to learn more about the extent of demand for them.

Its operation in the Congo has developed into a crucial test of the United Nationsframework for international collaboration. Under the authority of a Security Council mandate the United Nations has assumed an unprecedented range of military and civil responsibilities. To discharge these responsibilities, an executive agent (United Nations Organization in the Congo, ONUC) has been created under the direct supervision of the Secretary General. Within a month of its initiation, the Congo operation became the focus of a virulent stream of criticism from the Soviet bloc and other Member governments; it was soon evident that not only ONUC was under attack, but also the concept of a United Nations executive agent, the independence of the Secretariat, and die institution of die Secretary-General.

The existence of regional arrangements rests on two assumptions: First, the recognition that world unity, based on a common way of life and common values, is still very distant; and second, the increasingly inescapable conviction that, in our time, the great majority of national states are political and economic units illequipped to develop fully and even survive on solely national bases. Politically, most states have lost ground in a world which has had its centers of power radically diminished in the course of a generation. Economically, they are units too small to develop fully their natural resources and overcome their poverty unless they work together. The modern world needs to create regional units as a bridge between the isolated national state and a sufficiently integrated world collectivity of the future.