The US-driven and NGO-mediated prosecutorial approach to address trafficking prioritizes efforts to convict the accused and foregrounds victim-witness testimony as the central piece of evidence to do so. Though training rescued women to testify against alleged traffickers is thus a key component of donor-driven NGOs’ efforts, the author’s ethnographic research revealed that this is a rare occurrence. This chapter explores the multiple and complex reasons why most rescued women don’t testify, by situating them in the broader Indian sociolegal context. In juxtaposition, it tracks the case of a trafficked woman, Sunaina Das, who testified for the prosecution in a New Delhi trial court, to also explore the constellation of factors that lead some women to testify and the challenges they face. It follows Sunaina’s encounters with the Indian criminal justice system and the support she received from both NGOs and Indian legal actors. Finally, it explores how an NGO-led training session for Indian judges impacted her case. Through these contributions, this chapter challenges prevalent assumptions in global anti-trafficking campaigns about the victimhood of Global South sex workers, about criminal justice necessarily benefiting trafficked sex workers, and about the Indian criminal justice system necessarily lacking the ability to address sex trafficking.

Since the start of the twentieth century, at least three episodes of contention preceding Euromaidan had a profound impact on the development of Ukrainian statehood and the dynamics of state–society relations: the 1917-1921 Ukrainian Revolution, the 1990 Revolution on Granite, and the 2004 Orange Revolution. This chapter provides an overview of women’s activism over the course of these revolutions in the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union, and postcommunist Ukraine on the assumption that earlier episodes of mass mobilization shape patterns of state–society relations in the country. The findings suggest that such educational organizations as Prosvita and student unions served as mobilizing structures for many young women. Furthermore, this chapter shows how women gradually challenged dominant gender norms and gained greater visibility in contentious politics.

This chapter reviews the proscription and criminalization of torture in domestic legal systems around the world. The 174 States Parties to the 1984 Convention against Torture are all obligated to ensure that all acts of torture are offences under its criminal law. In fact, torture is prohibited in some form under domestic law in 195 of the 197 States recognized by the Secretary-General of the United Nations . The two exceptions are Niue (a State not party to the 1984 Convention against Torture) and San Marino.

Trigonometry is the basis of the book’s subject. I begin with length and angle, and then generalise to coordinates. This requires the important idea of a directed angle, which enables us to relate the sine and cosine of an angle to coordinates in any given orientation of a set of axes. I discuss the details of inverting the sine/cosine/tangent functions, and introduce a new function name to replace the inappropriate name “atan2” that often appears in the literature. The chapter ends with examples of calculating bearing and elevation.

The chapter discusses the comparative constitutional theory of parliamentary and presidential government as well as various hybrids. It suggests that the much-discussed perils of presidentialism, to the extent that they exist, may largely be due to the kind of personalism that results from directly electing a fixed-term president. When the comparative study of executive formats goes beyond the standard trichotomy of parliamentary, presidential, and semi-presidential systems, we can see that the branch-based separation of powers can be analytically and practically separated from executive personalism. Hybrid systems such as “assembly-independent” government in Switzerland or “semi-parliamentary” government in Australia can be understood as efforts to reap the benefits of powers separation while avoiding the perils of executive personalism. Cogent arguments for the direct election of a fixed-term president are hard to find, despite the widespread belief that it is inherently more democratic.

Results of previous chapters come together here in the equations that model a vehicle’s position and attitude given a knowledge of, for example, its angular turn rates. These equations can seem perplexing at first glance, and so I derive them in careful steps, again making strong use of vectors and the frame dependence of the time derivative. I end with a detailed example of applying these equations to a spinning top.

Chapter 2 confronts another common police practice, often called “caretaking,” that involves searches purportedly carried out to provide aid to citizens. Because these searches can be used as pretexts to carry out illegitimate and sometimes deadly agendas, this practice too needs to be curtailed. The seeds for doing so are found in Caniglia v. Strom, the recent Supreme Court decision rejecting a freestanding caretaker exception to the Fourth Amendment warrant requirement. Properly construed, Caniglia would significantly limit police-initiated searches and seizures for benign or “regulatory” purposes unrelated to criminal law enforcement. This interpretation also provides doctrinal support for the fledgling movement to de-police those government services that, whatever might be the tradition, do not require the intervention of armed individuals trained to fight crime.

Percy Shelley seemed anathema to the modernist movement. Yet the persistence of Shelley in the imagination of twentieth-century poets meant his presence never faded away. Even for his detractors, Shelley’s ghost is not exorcised. This chapter traces Shelley’s influence in twentieth-century poetry to suggest ways of reading the many strands of Shelleyan influence. Focusing on several twentieth-century poets, such as Thomas Hardy, W. B. Yeats, and Hart Crane, and through Sylvia Townsend Warner and Laura (Riding) Jackson to Wallace Stevens, this chapter views Shelley as inspiring a variety of (anglophone) poets in the early to mid-twentieth century. What Shelley offers his twentieth-century poet-readers is a series of possibilities, ways of reading, and means to become inspired, by a poet of unrivalled intensity.

Chapter 7 contends that, as implemented in the United States, adversarialism is a significant cause of many of the systemic flaws recounted in Chapter 6. It is thus also a significant cause of wrongful convictions, unjust sentences, and errant acquittals. Empirical evidence recounted in this chapter suggests that these errors could be significantly minimized if we modified the American practice of allowing the prosecution and the defense to dominate evidence production by adopting the hybrid inquisitorial regime found in some European countries. This chapter proposes the integration of three inquisitorial mechanisms into American trial procedure – judicial control over the adjudication process, nonadversarial treatment of experts, and required unsworn testimony by the defendant – and defends the proposals against constitutional and practical challenges. While other scholars have suggested borrowing from overseas, these three proposals have yet to be presented as a package. Together they could measurably enhance the accuracy of American criminal trials.

In democracies based on elections, representation brings a novel kind of freedom to the fore, one that does not need to be associated with the citizen’s direct action or presence in the place where decisions are made, as is the case in direct democracy. It enlarges the space and meaning of politics in ways that cannot easily be reduced to electoral authorization and consent, and it invariably connects with both the lawmaking institution and the citizens’ voluntary participation, their equal right to define the political direction of their country but also claim, vindicate, and monitor their representatives. This chapter analyzes “political representation” in its actors, components and processes and compared it to other forms (as statistical sample and embodiment) and finally discusses the implications of the mixture of representation and democracy in contemporary politics.

Chapter 1 offers an overview of the protohistory of the concept of parameter. The first part mainly focuses on the theoretical foundations of Generative Grammar, as laid out in Chomsky (1965). The discussion then turns to those works which paved the way to the parametric approach in Generative Grammar, with Chomsky (1973) introducing a first set of universal conditions on grammatical rules, and Chomsky (1976) being the generative work in which the term ‘parameter’ is used for the first time. The outcome of Rizzi’s (1978) and Taraldsen’s (1978) pre-parametric inquiries is then reviewed, as they shed new light on the systematicity of linguistic variation. Finally, focus is put on the explicit formulation of the concept of parameter and the consequent shift toward the systematic study of cross-linguistic variation, a problem previously addressed by Greenberg (1963). In this respect, the major advancement introduced by Chomsky (1981a) is the hypothesis of the existence of implicational relations among individual parameters. How the term ‘parameter’ is used in Chomsky and Lasnik (1977) in conjunction with the concept of core grammar is also discussed.