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Society needs to influence and mould our expectations so AI is used for the collective good. we should be reluctant to throw away hard (and recently) won consumer rights and values on the altar of technological developments.
This paper introduces a unique phenomenon with a distinctive Chinese regulatory approach. Since 1994, the Consumer Rights Protection Law has afforded consumers the right to seek punitive damages in instances of fraudulent practices. This has given rise to a special profession with Chinese characteristics: professional consumers. Their status as enigmatic figures is a consequence of the fluctuating stance of public authorities. Thirty years of consistent inconsistency has been a rarity in China’s legislative history. The year 2024 marks the 30th anniversary of the enactment of the CRPL, China’s Consumer Rights Protection Law and the birth of its implementing regulation. It is an opportune moment to reassess the regulatory system that enabled this group and reconstruct it for the future. This paper presents a comprehensive regulatory review of the emergence, growth, and projected decline of professional consumers. It examines the reasons for this long-standing regulatory inconsistency through a detailed investigation of China’s legal system. It concludes by projecting two upcoming legal positions. The first is the transformation under the state’s co-governance strategy. The second is the displacement by procuratorial public interest litigation. Although seemingly contradictory, these two positions exemplify a distinctive Chinese approach to the co-governance strategy, which is characterized by the preponderance of public authority.
This chapter commences with a comprehensive overview of Australia’s legal framework on consumer credit. Subsequently, it considers the major obligations applied to Australian credit licence holders in this context, with a particular focus on licensing requirements, disclosure, responsible lending, best interests obligations and various consumer rights. Additionally, given the increased consumer access to high-cost payday loans facilitated by digitalisation, this chapter discusses the relevant issues and proposals for reform.
Consumers are at the forefront of market uses of AI. There are also myriad consumer uses of AI products. Consumer protection law justifies greater responses where the interactions involve significant risks and relevant consumer vulnerability; both such elements are present in the current and predicted AI uses concerning consumers. Whilst consumer protection law is likely to be able to be sufficiently flexible to adapt to AI, there is a need to recalibrate consumer protection law to AI.
The Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) provides for free movement of the factors of production, but also for derogations from free movement where necessary to protect important interests such as public policy, public security and public health. These have been broadened out by the Court of Justice to include other public interest objectives, including the environment and consumer protection, which can also be relied on under certain conditions. All these derogations and protections are to be applied subject to certain conditions – they must be restrictively interpreted, non-discriminatory, procedurally fair and applied in a proportionate and consistent way. Alongside these, there are specific exceptions applying to occupations, excluding public service and official authority from the scope of Articles 45, 49 and 56 TFEU.
Chapter 2 looks at transparency and fintech tools. The premise behind many so-called fintech innovations in consumer markets is to make more personalised financial products available to an often underserved and largely inexperienced cohort. Many consumers are not good at managing their day-to-day finances, selecting optimal credit products or investing for the future. Fintech products, and the applications associated with them, are commonly promoted on the basis they will use consumer data, AI capacities, and a lower cost basis to promote competition and better serve consumers, including financially excluded or vulnerable consumers. Paterson, Miller, and Lyons challenge these premises by demystifying the kinds of capacities that are possible through the fintech technologies being offered to consumers. The most common form of fintech solutions offered to consumers are credit, budgeting, and investment tools. These typically do not disrupt existing service models through the use of deep learning AI. Rather they are commonly enabled by encoding the rules of thumb used by mortgage brokers and financial advisers. They make a return through methods criticised on when deployed by social media platforms, namely on-selling data, targeted advertising, and commission-based sales. There is moreover little incentive for fintech providers to make products that benefit marginalised cohorts for whom there is minimal relevant data and little likelihood of lucrative return. The authors argue that greater transparency is required about what is being offered to consumers though fintech tools and who benefits from them, along with greater accountability for ill-founded and even sensationalised claims.
In this chapter, we offer a number of recommendations for those who are in a position to do something technically, structurally, and legally or otherwise to minimize the risk of psychological harm that comes with the public’s use of social media and other online sites, especially their engagement with graphic or other upsetting digital material. We outline the policy implications of what we’ve learned from more than three years of desk research and original interviews that we have conducted with dozens of people, ranging from technologists to psychologists to content moderators to human rights investigators and beyond. We first spotlight the competing interests that underscore social media companies and governments’ policy deliberations with regard to content moderation. Next, we lay out our suggestions for companies, governments, and individuals with regard to how to improve the experiences of both content moderators and everyday social media users. We close with suggestions for creating a more “pro-social” online environment, one that not only better mitigates the risks of psychological harm but potentially encourages greater connection, resulting in wellness and even flourishing.
There is growing public concern about the ‘unfairness’ of many pricing practices that have become common in consumer, particularly digital, markets. Industrial and behavioural economists have developed theories that explain the conditions under which these practices are profitable for firms, and their implications for consumer welfare. We identify a mismatch between the welfare economic principles used in this theoretical work and the normative perspective in which these practices are viewed as unfair. We develop a concept of ‘transactional fairness’, grounded in the normative approach of Sugden's Community of Advantage, that is reflective of public concerns. Transactional fairness is complementary to established criteria of economic efficiency and distributional equity but is based entirely on the relationship between individual buyers and sellers. It establishes clear principles with realistic information requirements that are appropriate for compliance by firms. Regulation based on this approach can help to restore public faith in markets.
A general premise of consumer protection is that greater consumer information and more competition in a market should increase the tendency of firms to behave fairly and honestly.1 In the case of deceptive promotional pricing, greater consumer information comes from having more consumers in the market being attentive to and knowledgeable of reference promotional pricing (i.e. showing a regular price along with the sales price).
There is a long-standing consensus on the need to fight poverty and eliminate it. Some fifty-five years ago, the American President Lyndon B. Johnson launched a “War on Poverty” in his 1964 State of the Union Address. Nevertheless, poverty is still a striking problem. In the United States, more than 46 million Americans lived in poverty in 2012.2 Worldwide, billions live on less than eight US dollars a day,3 and hundreds of millions on less than one dollar a day.4 Poverty is a complex, multifaceted, and persistent problem.5
The final chapter draws on conclusions from the current use of emerging technologies in Africa, digitalization and strategies which can be implemented to help the continent capitalize on the Fourth Industrial Revolution. It contributes to policy discussions and adds a more inclusive approach in analyzing 4IR areas of impact. By analyzing a range of leading and emerging countries, a new framework has been established that gives further study of strengths and weaknesses in developing and developed nations. This book helps to address the route that Africa needs to take to achieve sustainable and inclusive growth. The 4IR is inevitable, which is why governments need to recognize the impact it will have on industries and the global economy.
“Return-to-player” information is used in several jurisdictions to display the long-run cost of gambling, but previous evidence suggests that these messages are frequently misunderstood by gamblers. Two ways of improving the communication of return-to-player information have been suggested: switching to an equivalent “house-edge” format, or via the use of a “volatility warning,” clarifying that the information applies only in the statistical long run. In this study, Australian participants (N = 603) were presented with either a standard return-to-player message, the same message supplemented with a volatility warning, or a house-edge message. The return-to-player plus volatility warning message was understood correctly more frequently than the return-to-player message, but the house-edge message was understood best of all. Participants perceived the lowest chance of winning in the return-to-player plus volatility warning condition. These findings contribute data on the relative merits of two proposed approaches in the design of improved gambling information.
Internet of Thing (IoT)s. It focuses in particular on the question of liability in circumstances where an IoT system has not performed as expected and where this has resulted in loss or damage. The authors argue that the combination of AI and the IoT raises several novel aspects concerning the basis for assessing responsibility and of allocating liability for loss or damage, and that this will necessitate the development of a more creative approach to liability than generally followed in many legal systems. Linear liability based on contractual relationships and fault-based or strict liability of a wrongdoer in tort law are no longer sufficient to deal with the complex issues associated with the interaction of AI and the IoT. According to the authors, the values underpinning established liability systems, particularly in the field of consumer protection law, should be maintained in the context of new digital technology applications. The adoption of new digital technology applications cannot be a basis for imposing a lower threshold of liability than the level of liability established in other contexts.
The chapter addresses the question of how to continue developing artificial intelligence (AI) without challenging and infringing legal norms, principles and values, represented by the current legal frameworks of liberal democratic societies. To answer this question, the chapter first of all briefly deals with the concept of legality (what it means to be legal in the age of disruptive technologies) and then relates it to two specific private law challenges: The first challenge is related to intellectual property law and is represented by the clash between trade secret protection of algorithms and the increasing public need for algorithmic transparency and explicability; the second challenge is related to consumer protection where the questions of liability and the shifting roles of the main stakeholders build the space for discussing who is who in building, developing and using AI.
Katharina Pistor’s recent work has revealed a deep justice deficit in private law, raising fundamental questions about how it could be reduced. While Pistor favours piecemeal bottom-up solutions to instances of injustice, Martijn Hesselink proposes a more radical top-down strategy – the adoption of a progressive European code of private law. This article explores the top-down and bottom-up pathways to justice in private law, focussing on the role of interpersonal justice as justice between substantively free and equal persons in European private law. It shows that although concerns about a balance of the competing interests of private parties pervade many of its areas, they do not take central stage in European private law. The substantive private autonomy embodied in national private law systems, the regulated private autonomy enshrined in EU secondary private law and the unregulated private autonomy with an interstate element underpinning EU free movement law sit uneasily together. It is argued that in order to enhance the role of interpersonal justice in the internal market and develop a more coherent European private law, the current bottom-up pathway thereto could be complemented by a more top-down roadmap towards the EU principles of private law justice.
The author makes brief Considerations on the Treatment of the Theme of the Relationship Between New Technologies and Private Law. In particular, she believes that the criticism of Lessig’s statement according to which “the values of real-space sovereigns will at first lose out” is correct, adding, however, that one must monitor the evolution of new technologies. We are, in fact, at the crossroads of a technological revolution which, as jurists, we are not able to fully understand. The author also questions the position taken in the volume on the US neoliberal approach v. European solidarity approach, inviting the authors to question the difference between the narrative that sees the European system as all about ensuring solidarity and the reality about the economic thinking that informs the different disciplines. Finally, she takes a position on the relationship between ordoliberalism and consumer protection.
The FDA’s Guidance to the Breakthrough Devices Program states the agency “may accept a greater extent of uncertainty of the benefit-risk profile for these devices if appropriate under the circumstances.” The CMS recently began providing supplemental reimbursement through New Technology Add-On Payments for “Breakthrough Devices.” CMS has waived a nearly two-decade criterion that devices receiving such payments must provide a “substantial clinical improvement” to Medicare beneficiaries. These policies will accelerate the approval and adoption into clinical practice of novel medical devices which may later be determined to not meet the statutory standard of reasonable assurance of safety and effectiveness (FDA) and/or “reasonable and necessary” (CMS). A crucial, but underutilized, regulatory authority can improve patient safety: conditional approval with withdrawal of approval when (1) clinical data demonstrate the threshold of reasonable assurance of safety and effectiveness is not met or (2) postmarket studies are not completed in a timely manner to demonstrate safety and effectiveness. It is rarely used, but there is precedent for FDA revocation of pharmaceutical approvals. In addition, payor coverage should be conditional (and proportional) on data of safety and effectiveness and withdrawn for data showing net harms or if data are not generated in a timely manner.
This paper addresses the specific challenges arising from the monetization of political speech on social media, and propose a normative argument to extend consumer disclosures to political speech. Political speech enjoys the highest degree of protection by national constitutions as well as supranational and international charters. Unlike commercial speech which usuallyenjoy less constitutional protection, political speech is the foundation of constitutional democracies. The blurring line between political and commercial speech introduces a new layer of complexity in tackling hidden political advertising. Indeed, political speech is likely to attract commercial speech inside a broader scope of protection with the result that potential limitations of this kind of speech would be required to pass a very strict test through the balance with other constitutional safeguards or legitimate interests according to the criteria of necessity, legitimacy and proportionality. This could also question the scope of other regulation designed to govern commercial speech like advertising. To this end, the paper compares regulatory and judicial interpretations adopted in Europe and the United States, and is structured as follows. In the first part, we explore the content monetization business models (including influencer marketing) used on social media, and we identify three types of influencer ‘personas’ who are prone to engage in political speech. The second part looks into the constitutional differences between commercial and political speech across the Atlantic. The third part provides the normative argument at the intersection between consumer law and freedom of expression, and the fourth part concludes.
Loot boxes have recently become a game mechanism of concern to policy-makers and regulators. The similarity between loot boxes and gambling is clear, and loot boxes and their regulation are commonly viewed through the lens of gambling. By contrast, very little attention has been given to tackling them as unfair, and in particular aggressive, commercial practices under consumer law. This article argues that by classifying the provision of loot boxes as a potentially aggressive commercial practice we will see that consumer law may protect gamers from some of the significant harms with which such products are associated.
This article looks at the implementation of food standards of identity by the U.S Food and Drug Administration from the 1930s to the 1960s, a period in the FDA’s history wedged between the “era of adulteration” of the early twentieth century and the agency’s turn to “informational regulation” starting in the 1970s. The article describes the origin of food standards in the early twentieth century and outlines the political economy of government-mandated food standards in the 1930s. While consumer advocates believed government standards would be important to consumer empowerment because they would simplify choices at the grocery store, many in the food industry believed government standards would clash with private brands. The FDA faced challenges in defining what were “customary” standards for foods in an increasingly industrial food economy, and new diet-food marketing campaigns in the 1950s and 1960s ultimately led to the food standards system's undoing. The article concludes by looking at how FDA food standards came to be framed cynically, even though voluntary food standardization continued and the system of informative labeling that replaced FDA standards led to precisely the problem government standards were intended to solve.