Many scholars in the last 150 years have applied themselves to problems posed in dating the rock reliefs of the Sasanian kings. Steady progress has been made and we have now reached a stage when most, but not all, sculptures can be assigned, with reasonable certainty, to the various kings. However, the closer dating and the identification of the context of the reliefs are still hotly disputed. This paper, written in honour of Sir Mortimer Wheeler, who has long been interested in Iranian studies, attempts to examine the stylistic development of the sculptures of Bahrām II (a.d. 276–93) in the hope that this will at least establish the order in which he commissioned the reliefs during his reign of seventeen years. It has been a surprising feature of earlier studies of the sculpture of specific Sasanian kings that little or no attempt has been made to ascertain developments in style during the course of a reign. The author has already attempted this for the sculpture of Ardashīr and Shāhpūr; the same methods are here applied to the reliefs of Bahrām II. Only after such an examination can there be any hope of solving the many outstanding problems of dating and identification.

L'intérêt historique considérable du texte Istanbul 7608 bis, publié avec une photographie par G. Ryckmans en 1946, a été souligné par les nombreux commentateurs qui ont étudié cette inscription, gravée au champlevé comme presque tous les textes monumentaux de l'époque récente. Sur la photographie publiée par G. Ryckmans, l'eclairage vient d'en bas. Dans les textes en relief de ce genre, l'œil ne perçoit correctement la sensation du relief que sous un éclairage venu d'en haut, comme dans la nature, de sorte que l'impression exacte du relief n'est généralement obtenue qu'en retournant le texte tête en bas, ce qui rend la lecture malaisée. Les planches jointes au présent article répondent au besoin impérieux de photographies correctement éclairées.

At the beginning of June, 1803, a new phase opened in the relations of the British Company and the Marathas. It was symbolized by two events; the march northwards from Poona on 4th June of the detachment of East India Company troops commanded by Arthur Wellesley and the assembly near Malkapur on the 5th or 6th June of the armies of Daulat Eao Sindhia and the Raja of Berar. Since what was at stake, in diplomatic terms, was the contest of the British Company and Sindhia for overlordship of the Peshwa, it was appropriate that in military terms this should be expressed by the confrontation, not far from the capital city of the Maratha people, of the Company's army and what could be formed of an army of the Maratha Confederacy.

abhibhuyya jânâmi passâmîti evaṁsaññî hoti, idaṁ catutthaṁ abhibhâyatanaṁ. Ajjhattaṁ arûpasaññî eko bahiddhâ rûpâni passati nîlâni nîlavaṇṇâni nîlanidassanâni nîlanibhâsâni seyyatbâ pi nâma ummâpupphaṁ nîlam nîlavaṇṇam nîlanidassanaṁ nilanibhâsaṁ seyyathâ pi vâ pana taṁ vatthaṁ Bàrânaseyyakaṁ ubhatobhâgavimaṭṭhaṁ nîlaṁ nîlavaṇṇaṁ nîlanidassanaṁ nîlanibhâsaṁ evam eva ajjhattaṁ arûpasaññî eko bahiddhâ rûpâni passati nîlâni nîlavaṇṇâni nîlanidassanâni nîlanibhâsâni tâni abhibhuyya jânâmi passâmîti evaṁsaññî hoti, idam pañcamaṁ abhibhâyatanaṁ. Ajjhattaṁ arupasaññî eko bahiddhâ rûpâni passati pîtâni pîtavaṇṇâni pîtanidassanâni pîtanibhâsâni seyyathâ pi nâma kaṇikârapupphaṁ pîtaṁ pîtavaṇṇam pîtanidassanaṁ pîtani-bhâsaṁ seyyathâ pi vâ pana taṁ vatthaṁ Bàrâṇaseyyakaṁ ubhatobhâgavimaṭṭham pîtaṁ pîtavaṇṇam pîtanidassanaṁ pîtanibhâsaṁ evam eva ajjhattaṁ arupasaññî eko bahiddhâ rûpâni passati pîtâni pîtavaṇṇâni pîtanidassanâni pîtanibhâsâni tâni abhibhuyya jânâmi passâmîti evamsaññî hoti, idam chaṭṭham abhibhâyatanam. Ajjhattam arûpasaññî eko bahiddhâ rûpâni passati lohitakâni lohitakavaṇṇâni lohitakanidassanâni lohitakanibhâsâni seyyathâ pi nâma bandhujî-vakapuppham lohitakaṁ lohitakavaṇṇam lohitakanidassanaṁ lohitakanibhâsaṁ seyyathâ pi vâ pana tam vatthaṁ Bàrânaseyyakam ubhatobhâgavimattham lohitakam lohitakavannam lohitakanidassanam lohitakanibhâsam evam eva ajjhattam arupasaññî eko bahiddhâ rûpâni passati lohitakâni lohitakavannâni lohitakanidassanam lohitakanibhâsâni tâni abhibhuyya jânâmi passâmîti evamsaññî hoti, idam sattamaṁ abhibhâyatanam. Ajjhattam arupasaññî eko bahiddhâ rûpâni passati odâtâni odâtavannâni odâtanidassanâni odâtanibhâsâni seyyathâ pi nâma osadhitârakâ odâtâ odâtavannâ odâtani dassanâ odâtanibbâsâ seyyathâ pi vâ pana taṁ vattbam Bârânaseyyakam ubhatobhâgavimattbam odâtam odâtavan-nam odâtanidassanam odâtanibbâsam evam eva ajjhattam arûpasannî eko bahiddhâ rûpâni passati odâtâni odâtavannâni odâtanidassanâni odâtambhâsâni tâni abhiblmyya jânâmi passâmîti evamsaññî boti, idaṁ atthamam abbibhâyatanam. Imâni kbo Ânanda attba abhibhâyatanâni.

In examining the development of colonial capitalism in India historians have increasingly recognized the importance of specific cultural contexts in determining the character of the emergent industrial sector. In particular, the impact of pre-capitalist mores on the recruitment, organization and supervision of industrial workers has been an important concern. In the Calcutta jute industry, for instance, Dipesh Chakrabarty has concluded that the authority of factory sardars was derived largely from a pre-capitalist culture with “a strong emphasis on religion, community, kinship, language, and other similar loyalties”. Similarly, Ranajit Das Gupta's exploration of the industrial labour market in north eastern India has revealed that “indebtedness, primordial loyalties and relations of personal dependency were extensively used to keep labour under control”. Studies of trade union development have also acknowledged the enduring importance of the cultural milieu carried by workers to the mills, mines and plantations of colonial India.

The paper which. I formerly wrote on the Rig-Veda was merely intended to lay down the general principles which guided the ancient Arranger of that venerable collection of poems. It was my good fortune to be the first to lay before scholars the following discoveries:—

1. That the hymns of the Ṛig-Veda are arranged in the order of their diminishing length.

2. That the First Maṇḍala differs from the rest, and that it possesses a special arrangement of its own.

3. That Maṇḍalas II. to VII. are uniform in character.

4. That the hymns of the Ninth Maṇḍala are manifestly arranged according to the metre and length of the hymns.

5. That certain long hymns in the Ṛig-Veda can be resolved into short sets of verses.

6. That the Tenth Maṇḍala consists of, at least, two collections, showing a distinct mark of cleavage between the 84th and 85th hymns.

The existence of an ancient Indian colony in Armenia is well known to Armenian scholars, but Indianists have paid little attention to it. We owe our knowledge of it to Zenob, a Syrian, and a native of Glak (Klag), which Mr. Ellis suggests may be the Armenian equivalent of Kerak. Zenob became an ecclesiastic in an unknown town of Cappadocia called Nystra, and was the companion of St. Gregory the Illuminator on an idol-smashing tour through Armenia, about the year 304 a.d. By St. Gregory's command he wrote an account of this expedition to his Cappadocian brethren, and in it he gives a lively account of the Illuminator's little war with the Indian idolaters of Tarôn (Darôn). Zenob's history, composed originally in Syriac, has come down to us in an Armenian version, which has suffered from revision. It has been twice translated into French, and part of it into English. Zenob's work has the charm and freshness of a contemporary narrative, and throws a good deal of light on the early history of monachism and the worship of relics. He was well acquainted with the Indians he mentions, as he was for twenty years Abbot of the Convent of the Nine Springs, founded by St. Gregory on the site of the Indian temple. The convent beacme one of the most famous in Armenia, and was popularly known from the time of Zenob as the convent of Glak.

When at Lhasa in 1904 I found, in addition to the two earliest historical Tibetan documents yet known (as notified inthis Journal), a very long inscription of the Chinese emperor Chia-ch'ing, of 1808 a.d., which is of considerable historical interest and importance. It gives an official account of the origin of the Grand Lamaship and of the theory of succession to the same by divine reincarnations; it also prescribes the “Ordeal of the Urn” for the selection of the candidate, one of the steps taken by China to secure political control over the succession to the pontifical throne; and it records the building of the Potala palace at Lhasa as one of “the three Potalas”, and of a fourth “Potala”-academy erected by a Chinese emperor at Jehol, to the north-west of Peking.

Exact investigation, assisted by some recent fortunate discoveries, has proved that the reputed identifications of many of the ancient sites famous in early Indian history are beyond doubt erroneous. Almost every such identification requires to be submitted to searching criticism before it can be accepted as correct. If any ancient site could be regarded as satisfactorily identified, that of the city of Kauśāmbī might apparently be so regarded. Nevertheless, the current belief is mistaken.

The following notes are based on material which I collected in Kerman during the months June to October, 1914. The spare time at my command was less than I could have desired, and a Benjamin's portion of it was devoted to the more interesting and less exploited Bakhtiari dialect, while the local Kermani dialect provided a further distraction. In these circumstances my researches were not exhaustive, but I think they will be found to have done something towards rendering our knowledge more exact.