This study explores the role of cognate status, syllable position, and word length in Tip-of-the-Tongue (TOT) states induction and resolution for European Portuguese (EP; L1) – English (L2) bilinguals (and EP monolinguals as control). TOTs were induced using a picture naming task in L1 and L2 followed by a lexical decision task. Here, the first or the last syllable of the target word (or none for control) was embedded in pseudowords (syllabic pseudohomophones) in order to test its effect in TOT resolution. Bilinguals presented more TOTs in L2 than in L1, especially for noncognate words. Longer words showed more TOTs than shorter words, though only in L1. TOT resolution was higher for cognates in L2 and higher when primed by the first than by the last syllable. Finally, longer cognates showed more TOT resolution than shorter cognates, irrespective of the language. Results are discussed in light of TOT's main hypothesis.

Verb–particle constructions are a notoriously difficult aspect of English to acquire for second-language (L2) learners. The present study investigated whether L2 English speakers are sensitive to gradations in semantic transparency of verb–particle constructions (e.g., finish up vs. chew out). French–English bilingual participants (first language: French, second language: English) completed an off-line similarity ratings survey, as well as an on-line masked priming task. Results of the survey showed that bilinguals’ similarity ratings became more native-like as their English proficiency levels increased. Results from the masked priming task showed that response latencies from high, but not low-proficiency bilinguals were similar to those of monolinguals, with mid- and high-similarity verb–particle/verb pairs (e.g., finish up/finish) producing greater priming than low-similarity pairs (e.g., chew out/chew). Taken together, the results suggest that L2 English speakers develop both explicit and implicit understanding of the semantic properties of verb–particle constructions, which approximates the sensitivity of native speakers as English proficiency increases.

Mayberry and Kluender (2017) make an important contribution to our understanding of the CPL, reporting the striking differences in regions of brain activation in Martin, a deaf man with very late exposure to an L1, compared to other deaf individuals, when processing single signs of ASL. They conclude: “The unique effects of AoA . . . suggest that the hierarchical structure of language and the architecture of the brain language processing system arise from their interaction over the course of early childhood when brain maturation and language acquisition are temporally synchronized.”

The goal of this paper is twofold. First, I wish to discuss two sets of problematic cases that arose when I applied Myers-Scotton's (1993) Matrix Language Frame model of codeswitching to Arabic diglossic switching (Boussofara-Omar, 1999). The first set involves the co-occurrence of system morphemes from both varieties of Arabic within a single CP. The second set concerns CPs in which the word order is that of the dialect but the system morphemes are from Standard Arabic, and CPs in which clashes occur between the subcategorization restrictions of the two varieties of Arabic participating in diglossic switching. The Matrix Language Frame model neither predicts nor offers explanations for either case. Second, in an effort to provide an explanation to their occurrence, I revisit the same problematic sets in light of Myers-Scotton's sub-models: the 4-M model and the Abstract Level model (Myers-Scotton and Jake, 2000, 2001), the latest refined version of the MLF model.

In this study we explore whether world knowledge (WK) processing differs between individuals listening to their native (L1) or their non-native (L2) language. We recorded event-related brain potentials in L1 and L2 speakers of Spanish while they listened to sentences uttered by native speakers of Spanish. Sentences were either congruent or incongruent with participants’ WK. In addition, participants also listened to sentences in which upcoming words could not be anticipated on the basis of WK. WK violations elicited a late negativity of greater magnitude and duration in the L2 than the L1 group. However, sentences in which WK was not helpful regarding word anticipation elicited similar N400 modulations in both groups. These results suggest that WK processing requires a deeper lexical search in L2 comprehension than in L1 comprehension.

This paper identifies two versions of the question as to whether there is a single initial system in the syntax of developing bilinguals. Version 1 asks whether there are early mixed utterances, and if so, attributes this to a single initial system. Version 2 asks whether the utterances containing words from one of the child's languages exhibit the same syntax as the utterances containing words from the child's other language. We argue with reference to our own data (from an English-Spanish bilingual from ages 1;7 to 1;9) that Version 1 is not tenable because of the paucity of lexical resources when the child begins to produce two-word utterances. However, we argue that the early two-word utterances in our data do seem to exhibit a single rudimentary syntax, based on a predicate-argument structure found in all utterance types, mixed and non-mixed. We then argue in relation to Version 2 of the question, that it can only be answered once the child's utterances can be identified as language-specific in the two languages, and that this is not possible before the emergence of morphological marking. This is illustrated by an analysis of our data from ages 1;8 to 2;3. We argue that language-specific morphology allows us to identify the language of the utterances in our data and to see evidence for the appearance of two differentiated morphosyntactic systems.

In bilinguals, language proficiency has been advanced to influence the involvement of domain-general control networks in language selection. We assessed, in university student translators with moderate- to high-second language (L2) proficiency depending on their translation educational level, the functional activity in the key language and control areas (the caudate nucleus, anterior cingulate, and prefrontal cortex), during task- and language-selection in an oral production context. We found that L2 proficiency influenced the relative involvement of our regions of interest during language selection vs domain-general cognitive control processes. While the left middle frontal and left caudate areas were more involved during linguistic than alphanumeric task selection in the low L2 proficiency group, these regions were similarly involved in both tasks in the high-L2 proficiency group. These findings suggest that language selection relies primarily on a network within domain-general cognitive control system with an increase in resource needs when L2 proficiency is low.

In the last two decades there has been an explosion of research on bilingualism and its consequences for the mind and the brain (e.g., Kroll & Bialystok, 2013). One reason is that the use of two or more languages reveals interactions across cognitive and neural systems that are often obscured in monolingual speakers of a single language (e.g., Kroll, Dussias, Bogulski & Valdes Kroff, 2012). From this perspective, the interest in bilingualism is about developing a platform to ask questions about the ways that cognitive and neural networks are engaged during language use, in different learning environments, and across the lifespan. Another reason is that an emerging body of research on the consequences of bilingualism suggests that language experience changes cognition and the brain (e.g., Abutalebi, Della Rosa, Green, Hernandez, Scifo, Keim, Cappa & Costa, 2012; Bialystok, Craik, Green, & Gollan, 2009). Some of these changes have been claimed to produce cognitive advantages (see Bialystok et al., for a review of bilingual advantages and disadvantages).

This study assesses the effects of age and language exposure on VOT production in 29 simultaneous bilingual children aged 3;7 to 5;11 who speak German as a heritage language in the Netherlands. Dutch and German have a binary voicing contrast, but the contrast is implemented with different VOT values in the two languages. The results suggest that bilingual children produce ‘voiced’ plosives similarly in their two languages, and these productions are not monolingual-like in either language. Bidirectional cross-linguistic influence between Dutch and German can explain these results. Yet, the bilinguals seemingly have two autonomous categories for Dutch and German ‘voiceless’ plosives. In German, the bilinguals’ aspiration is not monolingual-like, but bilinguals with more heritage language exposure produce more target-like aspiration. Importantly, the amount of exposure to German has no effect on the majority language's ‘voiceless’ category. This implies that more heritage language exposure is associated with more language-specific voicing systems.

Scholars and educators were once concerned that encouraging children to learn more than one language might have adverse cognitive consequences (Darcy, 1953). And for some linguistic capacities (e.g., fluency, vocabulary) this is often true (Bialystok, Craik & Luk, 2012). Unfortunately, such individual costs might discourage governmental policies that are aimed at fostering multi-lingualism, despite its widely acknowledged societal benefits. Peal & Lambert (1962) helped overcome this concern and through her “myth-dispelling” efforts and prodigious empirical output, Bialystok has pushed the pendulum of opinion in the opposite direction.

This paper investigates object omission in French longitudinal production from two English-speaking children (Lightbown, 1977). Similar patterns of object omission are observed: direct objects start being dropped as transitive verbs are emerging and licit and illicit null objects occur in all recordings thereafter. Moreover, the incidence of illicit null objects drops at about the same time in both children (month 20), which corresponds to the moment object clitics start being used productively and to the end of the root infinitive period (Prévost, 1997). I argue that object omission is an instance of clitic-drop and is related to processing difficulties. In particular, both the projection of full-fledged representations and the production of object clitics (which occupy non-canonical object positions in French) increase computational complexity for children. Object-drop in child L2 French does not seem to be affected by L1 transfer nor to be related to significant difficulties with properties at the syntax/pragmatics interface.

This review article provides an overview of the neural correlates of second language (L2) morphosyntactic processing of the past 20 years. Morphosyntactic processing is of great relevance for our understanding of second language acquisition as it is believed to be more sensitive to age of acquisition (AoA) and maturational constraints than other linguistic sub-processes, i.e., lexical- and semantic processing.

In this review we present the more general questions raised by the first neuroimaging studies, namely, whether L1 and L2 neural representation of morphosyntax is shared or segregated. Next, we present studies that addressed the impact of AoA, proficiency level, and language transfer on L2 morphosyntactic processing and representation and their findings. We then discuss these findings in light of the procedural/declarative and unified competition models. Finally, we suggest some future directions for studies investigating L2 morphosyntactic processing using neuroimaging techniques. With this article we aim to provide the reader with an overview of what is currently known in terms of L2 morphosyntactic representation and processing and emphasize aspects that have remained understudied.

Heritage Spanish speakers and adult immigrant bilinguals listened to wh-questions with the differential object marker a (quién/a quién ‘who/whoACC’) while their eye movements across four referent pictures were tracked. The heritage speakers were less accurate than the adult immigrants in their verbal responses to the questions, leaving objects unmarked for case at a rate of 18%, but eye movement data suggested that the two groups were similar in their comprehension, with both starting to look at the target picture at the same point in the question and identifying the target sooner with a quién ‘whoACC’ than with quién ‘who’ questions.

Valian (2014) argues that current approaches in the study of bilingualism's beneficial effects on executive functions and cognition are at best methodologically weak. There is no unanimity on what constitutes executive function and which tasks measure it. I agree with her view that executive function is not a single phenomenon but a collection of processes. Different tasks measure different aspects of them. Performance on different executive function tasks is related to the particular cognitive demands of the tasks as well as the participants’ profile. It does not follow necessarily that negotiating two languages should lead to an enhancement of ability on that task. Therefore, no single task can capture the cognitive benefits of bilingualism. Valian proposes that factors such as education, socio-economic status, and even extracurricular skills involving sports and exercise could boost executive functioning independent of bilingualism.

Neuroimaging studies of reading have identified unique patterns of activation for individuals reading in alphabetic and Asian languages, suggesting the involvement of different processes in each. The present study investigates the extent to which a cognitive prerequisite for reading, the understanding of the symbolic function of print, is common to children learning to read in these two different systems. Four-year-old children in Hong Kong learning to read in Cantonese and children in Canada learning to read in English are compared for their understanding of this concept by means of the moving word task. Children in both settings performed the same on the task, indicating similar levels of progress in spite of experience with very different writing systems. In addition, the children in Hong Kong benefited from the structural similarity between certain iconic characters and their referents, making these items easier than arbitrary characters. These results point to an important cognitive universal in the development of literacy for all children that is the foundation for skilled reading that later becomes diverse and specialized.

Despite an increase in bilingualism and the use of English as a medium of instruction, little research has been done on bilingual memory for learnt information. In a previous study, we found an L2 recall cost but equal recognition performance in L2 versus L1 when students studied short expository texts (Vander Beken & Brysbaert, 2017). In this paper, we investigate whether there is a recognition cost after a longer delay, which would indicate that the memory trace is weaker in L2. Results showed equal performance in L1 and L2, suggesting that the recall cost is either located at the production level, or that the levels-of-processing effect is mediated by language, with unaffected surface encoding leading to effective marginal knowledge on the one hand, and hampered deep encoding leading to ineffective (uncued) recall. This paper also contains the Dutch vocabulary test we used for native speakers.

The study investigated single-word spelling performance of 33 English- and 38 Greek-speaking monolingual children, and 46 English- and Greek-speaking bilingual children (age range from 6;7 to 10;1 years). The bilingual children were divided into two groups on the basis of their single-word reading and spelling performance in Greek. In line with predictions, we found that scores on an assessment of phonological awareness were a significant predictor of spelling in English for the bilingual children with stronger Greek literacy skill. Phonological awareness scores were also a strong predictor of spelling in Greek in the monolingual Greek-speaking children. For the bilingual children with weaker Greek literacy ability, spelling in English was predicted by performance in a test of visual memory. This was more in line with results for the monolingual English-speaking children, for whom spelling performance was predicted by visual memory and phonological awareness scores. Qualitative analysis of misspellings revealed that phonologically appropriate errors were significantly greater in the strong Greek literacy ability bilingual group than the weaker Greek literacy ability bilingual group. Stimulus analyses using regression techniques are also reported. The results are interpreted to suggest that in biliterates literacy processes are transferred from one language to the other (Mumtaz & Humphreys, 2002).

The present study explores whether age of onset of exposure to the second language affects interference resolution at the grammatical gender level and whether cognitive functions contribute to interference resolution. Early and late successive Serbian–Greek bilinguals living in the second language context, along with monolinguals, performed a picture-word interference naming task in a single-language context and a non-verbal inhibition task. We found that gender interference from the first language was only present in late successive bilinguals. Early bilinguals exhibited no interference from the grammatical gender of their mother tongue and showed more enhanced inhibitory abilities than the rest of the groups in the non-verbal task. The distinct sizes of interference from the grammatical gender of the first language across the two bilingual groups is explained by early successive bilinguals’ more enhanced domain-general inhibitory processes in the resolution of between-language conflict at the grammatical gender level relative to late successive bilinguals.

Infants develop language-specific biases favoring either consonantal or vocalic information. These phonological biases affect various levels of spoken-language recognition in children and adults. This study explored whether adults who speak a second language (L2) apply phonological biases during L2 lexical processing, and whether the biases applied are those of the native language (L1), or those appropriate for the L2. Two word reconstruction experiments were carried out in English and Mandarin Chinese. L1 and L2 speakers of English demonstrated a consonantal bias by changing English vowels faster than consonants. L1 and L2 speakers of Mandarin demonstrated a vocalic bias by changing Mandarin consonants faster than vowels. Even relatively late L2 classroom learners whose L1 triggers a consonantal bias (English) exhibited a vocalic bias in their L2 (Mandarin). Lexically related processing biases are thus determined by the phonological and lexical characteristics of the stimuli being processed and not solely by listeners’ L1.

In this paper, I investigate the status of the so-called “weaker” language, French, in French/German bilingual first language acquisition, using data from two children from the DuFDE-corpus (see Schlyter, 1990a), Christophe and François. Schlyter (1993, 1994) proposes that the “weaker” language in the unbalanced children she studied has the status equivalent to that of a second language (L2). I will verify this assumption on the basis of certain grammatical phenomena, such as the use of subject clitics, null subjects and negation, with respect to which L1 and L2 learners show different developmental patterns. The results indicate that the “weaker” language of the children analyzed in this study cannot be interpreted as an L2. Both children behave predominantly like monolingual and balanced bilingual L1 learners in both languages.