I. The Isaurians escaped notice for long centuries. They first come to mention in an episode of the year 322 B.C. when Perdiccas after subduing Cappadocia captured their city, described as strong and populous, of ancient opulence. Isaurians next emerge in the campaign that earned a triumphal cognomen for P. Servilius Vatia (cos. 79), the proconsul of Cilicia.

As the name of a region, Isauria was destined to acquire a wide extension. Early in the reign of Antoninus Pius it was applied to Cilicia Tracheia, as one of the three portions (with Pedias and Lycaonia) in the enlarged Cilician province. Before that, sundry problems infest the definition of Isauria. One of them that continues to perplex is conveyed by a passage in Pliny. After Cilicia and before proceeding to deal in summary fashion with Pisidae and Lycaonia, he inserts remarks about the “gens Isaurica” and the adjacent people called Homanades.

Caria south of the Maeander (Büyük Menderes) river has fascinated travellers since antiquity. Mountainous in character and moderately populated today, the region served as a political and cultural frontier between the Greek mainland and the more ancient centres of civilization in the Near East. After a century of exploration, a wealth of data now illuminates the historic past of ancient Caria (von Diest 1909, Ramsay 1890, Paton and Meyers 1896, Winter 1887, Chamonard 1895, Fowler 1906, Hicks, 1892, Humann and Dörpfeld 1893, Miller 1916, Paton 1900, and Weber, 1904). Although informative, such scholarship has also had a negative impact. All too often, the view taken in the published literature is that previously identified sites offer little additional information. Scholars have tended to accept this view and the “authoritative research” of others without further examination of the region or its rich physical remains.

A small, thin, rectangular limestone plaque, bearing a five-line inscription, was copied by A.H. in the Konya Archaeological Museum in September 1980. The stone lacked an inventory number, and the Museum's staff could supply no information about its provenance. One may presume, however, that it has reached the Museum in recent years, probably after discovery in Konya itself. As will be demonstrated below, other grounds exist for supposing that it comes from Konya, but a provenance elsewhere in the Konya İli cannot be ruled out.

The block is complete to left and right, probably complete above and below, broken behind: H. 0·16, W. 0·32, Th. 0·06, with letters varying between 1·5 and 3 cm. (the smallest on the bottom line) which are irregular in shape and unevenly set out on the stone (see photograph of squeeze, Plate XXVIIa). The face is slightly damaged at its top right-hand corner and at the bottom left.

The building that forms the subject of the present paper was studied by the writer during the course of the 1977 season of survey at Oenoanda. As no excavation was possible under the terms of the expedition's permit, the study was limited to the upstanding walls, visible foundations, and accessible blocks of fallen masonry, with the result that many details of the architecture have had to remain uncertain. A systematic excavation would resolve most of these uncertainties, because there is every reason to believe that the elements for a near-complete restoration, in both plan and elevation, are lying buried on the site. Such an excavation is, however, unlikely to take place in the near future, and, since the range of buildings in Lycia which have been published in any detail remains small, it has seemed worth while to present the results of the 1977 work forthwith. Building Mk 1 is of added importance in that its function can be identified and the date of at least one of its major phases can be established on epigraphic and other grounds: it is certainly a bath-building and equally certainly achieved its final form in the Severan period.

In AS. XIV, 1964, Michael Ballance published in “Derbe and Faustinopolis” not only the decisive evidence for the identification of Faustinopolis at Başmakçı but also a useful summary of the evidence for the Roman routes leading towards the Cilician Gates. In the same volume I published a prosopographical study of Aradius Paternus, a previously unknown governor of Cappadocia commemorated on a milestone of Severus Alexander (illustrated on Pl. XXIa) found at Soğukpınar, three miles south of the modern town of Pozantı. I present here the results of survey work done in the ilçe of Pozantı, in the summer of 1964, as part of a wider survey of Roman Cappadocia undertaken as Institute Scholar and with the benefit of a survey permit obtained for me by the General Directorate of Antiquities and Museums, Ankara.

The village of Tille, now named Geldibuldu, is situated on the right bank of the Euphrates, at the western end of the modern bridge which takes the Adıyaman—Urfa/Diyarbakır road across the river. Tille village lies on the north side of the modern road at c. 30 km. east of Kahta and c. 60 km. east of Adıyaman. It is not large; the number of houses is small. The village is surrounded by gardens, particularly on the east, south and south-west sides; there are several fountains in and near the village. A good spring rises on the hillside south-west of the village and provides the main source of water for irrigation (Fig. 1, Pl. XXXIIIa, b).

The village is a muhtarlık, although the present muhtar does not reside in Tille; he lives in a mezraa of the village, Karatilbe, one of six such independent hamlets of Geldibuldu muhtarliǧı: Kefiri, Açoǧlu, Körseluk, Tilbe, Karatilbe, and Semagün, all forming part of the territory of Geldibuldu.

During the Excavations at Pisidian Antioch conducted for the University of Michigan in 1924 by Professor D. M. Robinson with the help of Sir W. M. Ramsay, a number of inscriptions seem to have been discovered and transferred to the garden of the ortokul in the neighbouring town of Yalvaç. Some remained unpublished, perhaps even unrecorded, and were copied by the present writer during her stay in Yalvaç, in the summer of 1955. Amongst these stones (although it may well have been brought to the school garden on some other occasion) is a block which, broken though it is, still bears substantial portions of two separate inscriptions. One yields fresh information about the constitution of the colony established by Augustus at Antioch in 25 B.C., while the other, a dedication to Gratian and his fellow Augusti, shows Latin in use at Antioch at a very late date in its history and reveals the name of a hitherto unknown governor of Pisidia. The present dimensions of the stone are 0·585 m. by 0·785 m. by 0·585 m. See Plate III.

An inscription at Comana Cappadociae (Şar köyü, Mağara, Adana), hitherto unpublished, provides the evidence for this note (Pl. XLIIa, Fig. 1). The stone is now in the yard of the school at Şar. It is a white marble slab, 0.90 × 0.40 m., recut below and at the lower right corner. The building which now houses the school was a church when the village was inhabited by Armenians and seems to have been built by them entirely out of ancient materials. This stone is said to have formed the door-sill of the church and to have been taken out when the position of the door was changed recently. Lines 4 and 5 certainly appear to have been worn by the passage of feet.

The site of Comana Cappadociae lies, according to Strabo (XII. 2. 3.), in a deep and narrow valley of the Antitaurus, on both banks of the river Sarus. That this description is aptly fitted by the ruins at the village of Şar, in the valley of the Göksu or Sarız çay, in the kaza of Mağara (in 1967 renamed Tufanbeyli), at the northernmost point of the vilayet of Adana, was soon noted by visitors (Plates XLIV a, b, XLV a). The best evidence for the location of Comana is given by the Tabula Peutingeriana and by the Itineraria Antoniniana, both of which show the city to be on the direct route from Caesareia (Kayseri) to Melitene (Eski Malatya). The Tabula Peutingeriana shows that the traveller had to cross a range of mountains as he approached Comana from the west, as now one can approach Şar by the direct route across the Antitaurus. The Itineraria Antoniniana (210.5–211.4) give a distance of 154 Roman miles between Melitene and Comana, while a milestone in the village at Şar, of the great series belonging to that road, bears the number 157. This close correspondence makes it certain that the ruins at Şar are those of the classical Comana, even without the cumulative circumstantial evidence of the inscriptions. The relationship of the Hittite Kummanni, and Kizzuwatna, with Comana is of course another problem which, regrettably, remains unsolved.

In this contribution, 13 previously unpublished grave and votive monuments are analysed, plus two boundary markers. These monuments, housed in the museums of Mersin and Alanya in Cilicia in southern Asia Minor, are both artistic and epigraphic documents. Most of them were made in this region, but three were imported from Antioch-on-the-Orontes, Pisidia and the island of Delos, as can be deduced from their iconography. These new examples from Cilicia and eastern Pamphylia offer insights into the different concepts of μνῆμα or μνημεῖον (memorial) popular in Hellenistic and Roman times throughout Asia Minor.

This paper presents the results of an interdisciplinary study of Lydian pottery excavated at Daskyleion between 1988 and 2002. Before becoming the satrapal centre of Hellespontine Phrygia in the Achaemenid period, to judge by the historical and archaeological evidence, Daskyleion had close interrelations with the Lydian kingdom. Previous stylistic and macroscopic fabric studies of Lydian pottery from Daskyleion have shown that as well as items produced in the Lydian capital of Sardis, ceramics may also have been imported from other production centres in the region of Greater Lydia (Gürtekin-Demir 2002). New chemical analysis by neutron activation (NAA) of 31 samples from Daskyleion presented here confirms this suggestion. We determined four chemical provenance groups of Lydian pottery, each of them defined by an element pattern which is distinct from the pottery made in Sardis. Although these four provenance groups cannot be located at present due to the lack of reference data from potential Lydian-style ceramic production centres in Anatolia, they prove that other production centres existed outside Sardis. Daskyleion may have been one of those.

In AS XXXVII (1987) 23–35 J. M. Wagstaff writes interestingly of “Colonel Leake and the Classical Topography of Asia Minor”.

Leake succeeded in identifying a large number of ancient sites in Asia Minor. Dr. Wagstaff is well aware of this and naturally enough does not make it his business to list them all. However, in view of current B.I.A.A. work at Oenoanda and Balbura in the Cibyratis, it seems worth pointing out, as a footnote to his article, that Leake was the first to identify both cities, although he never visited either of them. He identified them on the basis of epigraphical evidence collected in October 1841 by Richard Hoskyn, Master of H.M.S. Beacon, and the naturalist Edward Forbes, and his “Remarks on Mr. Hoskyn's Paper”, Journal of the Royal Geographical Society XII (1842) 162–9, may be added to Dr. Wagstaff's list of publications of the man whom Louis Robert justly described as “l'incarnation de la géographie du monde hellénique pendant la première partie du XIXe siècle”.

The following discussion begins with a study of a bronze bowl belonging to Monsieur George Ortiz, whose collection of ancient bronzes in Vandoeuvres/Geneva includes a large number of outstanding pieces of Near Eastern art. The bowl was recently acquired in the antiquities market and is said to come from modern Turkey. It is one of the finest and best preserved examples of a particular class of oriental metalwork in repoussé, the so-called Syro-Phoenician “bull-bowls”, which were most probably produced in the Levant in the early first millennium B.C. The main decoration of this class consists of concentric friezes of bovine animals in procession or similar sequence arranged around a central floral motif. The present paper will also examine a second, as yet unpublished, bowl kept in the British Museum.

In 1995 a new series of multi-disciplinary investigations were initiated by the authors into diachronic human occupation of the coastal plain at Altınova, between Ayvalık and Dikili on the Aegean coast of northwest Turkey (Fig. 1). Altınova lies approximately halfway between the much better-known (and certainly more intensively investigated) archaeological regions of Troy to the north and Bayraklı/Izmir to the south (Fig. 1). Through the plain flows the Madra Çay, and during the Holocene the river's depositional activity has created a large delta clearly visible on most maps as a projection outward into the Lesbos Channel (also known as the Mytilene/Midilli Strait), with the port of Mytilene and the marina of Thermi lying directly opposite (20 km. away) on the island of Lesbos (Fig. 1, Pl. XXII(a)). Altınova's iskele, located in a sand-spit which forms a natural marina, has developed into a modern holiday resort with 5 km. or more of holiday villas along its sandy beaches.