This article stems from the writer's discovery in 1955 of an inscribed sarcophagus at Prymnessus, the modern Süğlün, 8 km. south-east of Afyon. It had been intended to follow this up by a reexamination of the stone itself and by an intensive survey, on the ground, of the ancient topography of the valley of the Phrygian Caÿster. But the necessary field-work has been prevented by various considerations, both inside and outside Turkey, and it seems only fair to others interested in this part of Phrygia to publish the inscription and draw at least preliminary conclusions from it.

Süğlün; reused as a horse-trough in a fountain, Güvercinlik Çeşmesi, at the south end of the village. Pink trachyte sarcophagus, moulded above, buried below, with tabula ansata. Height 0·57 m. plus, width 2·07 m., thickness 0·83 m., letters 0·03–0·04 m.

Bereits F. W. Hasluck fand bei seinem survey über Kyzikos in den Jahren 1902–1906 drei archaische Kapitellfragmente, die zeigen, dass der Ort auch in diesem Bereich eigenständige Leistungen hervorgebracht hat, und deren Marmormaterial einen gewissen Reichtum der Stadt schon in früher Zeit im Vergleich etwa zu Larisa und Neandria zum Ausdruck brachte.

Die beiden leider verschollenen Fragmente eines kleinen ionischen Kapitells mit wenigen breiten, konvexen Volutengängen, ein fachem Rundstab und schalenförmigem Auge, gehörten wegen des geringen Echinusdurchmessers (36 cm.) wohl zu einer Votivsäule.

Die einstmals kreisrunde, flache Bronzescheibe, angeblich aus Ostanatolien, die hier vorgestellt wird (Pl. XXX–XXXI), befand sich 1981 für kurze Zeit im Labor der Prähistorischen Staatssammlung, München. Die Form des Bleches, die bisher bekannten Beschlagblechen nicht genau entspricht, die historische Darstellung auf dem umlaufenden Fries und das Mittelemblem verdienen eine genauere Behandlung.

Die Scheibe: Die durchschnittlich auf eine Dicke von ungefähr 1/2 mm. ausgehämmerte Bronzescheibe wird durch 4 konzentrische getriebene Wülste in einen mittleren Kreis, drei Zonen und einen Rand aufgeteilt (Fig. 1, Pl. XXXa). Im Übrigen ist sie ganz flach, und das dürfte auch ihrem antiken Zustand entsprechen: sie muß allerdings einmal brutal quer gefaltet gewesen sein, wovon eine Reihe von Rissen und Knicken herrühren, die von links unten nach rechts oben verlaufen (Pl. XXXa); an den Enden dieser Faltung ist auch der Rand am weitesten ausgerissen. Die nachträgliche Begradigung dieser Partie ist wohl modern. Links oben und rechts unten jedoch ist der offenbar ursprünglache flache Zustand bewahrt.

In these notes are presented various trouvailles encountered by the writer in the course of other researches. Although disconnected and inconclusive, they may be of some use to students of Sinop and to those interested in the general subject of the collection of antiquities in the Levant. In general, well-known sources have not been discussed, except in so far as they afford comparison with the less familiar accounts dealt with here. A final note refers to the Jewish population of Sinop in the early Ottoman period in relation to travellers' accounts.

In antiquity, the status of Sinop as a port was well known. Arrian is almost alone in describing the town not as a harbour but only in relation to its being a Milesian colony and the founder of Trabzon (Baschmakoff 1948: 80–81, 94–95). Similarly, in the later middle ages and early modern times, references to Sinop were almost always in relation to its port. For some, the interest was urgent: it was a welcome refuge for Bishop Ignatios of Smolensk when in 1389 his vessel, coasting the Crimea, was driven to the southern Pontic shore. Adverse winds detained him there for two days (Majeska 1984: 86–89). He was more fortunate than Ibn Battuta, some 40 years earlier, whom bad weather had delayed there for 40 days (Ibn Battuta, translated by H. A. R. Gibb 1957: 141).

The site of Comana Cappadociae lies, according to Strabo (XII. 2. 3.), in a deep and narrow valley of the Antitaurus, on both banks of the river Sarus. That this description is aptly fitted by the ruins at the village of Şar, in the valley of the Göksu or Sarız çay, in the kaza of Mağara (in 1967 renamed Tufanbeyli), at the northernmost point of the vilayet of Adana, was soon noted by visitors (Plates XLIV a, b, XLV a). The best evidence for the location of Comana is given by the Tabula Peutingeriana and by the Itineraria Antoniniana, both of which show the city to be on the direct route from Caesareia (Kayseri) to Melitene (Eski Malatya). The Tabula Peutingeriana shows that the traveller had to cross a range of mountains as he approached Comana from the west, as now one can approach Şar by the direct route across the Antitaurus. The Itineraria Antoniniana (210.5–211.4) give a distance of 154 Roman miles between Melitene and Comana, while a milestone in the village at Şar, of the great series belonging to that road, bears the number 157. This close correspondence makes it certain that the ruins at Şar are those of the classical Comana, even without the cumulative circumstantial evidence of the inscriptions. The relationship of the Hittite Kummanni, and Kizzuwatna, with Comana is of course another problem which, regrettably, remains unsolved.

In AS. XIV, 1964, Michael Ballance published in “Derbe and Faustinopolis” not only the decisive evidence for the identification of Faustinopolis at Başmakçı but also a useful summary of the evidence for the Roman routes leading towards the Cilician Gates. In the same volume I published a prosopographical study of Aradius Paternus, a previously unknown governor of Cappadocia commemorated on a milestone of Severus Alexander (illustrated on Pl. XXIa) found at Soğukpınar, three miles south of the modern town of Pozantı. I present here the results of survey work done in the ilçe of Pozantı, in the summer of 1964, as part of a wider survey of Roman Cappadocia undertaken as Institute Scholar and with the benefit of a survey permit obtained for me by the General Directorate of Antiquities and Museums, Ankara.

I. The Isaurians escaped notice for long centuries. They first come to mention in an episode of the year 322 B.C. when Perdiccas after subduing Cappadocia captured their city, described as strong and populous, of ancient opulence. Isaurians next emerge in the campaign that earned a triumphal cognomen for P. Servilius Vatia (cos. 79), the proconsul of Cilicia.

As the name of a region, Isauria was destined to acquire a wide extension. Early in the reign of Antoninus Pius it was applied to Cilicia Tracheia, as one of the three portions (with Pedias and Lycaonia) in the enlarged Cilician province. Before that, sundry problems infest the definition of Isauria. One of them that continues to perplex is conveyed by a passage in Pliny. After Cilicia and before proceeding to deal in summary fashion with Pisidae and Lycaonia, he inserts remarks about the “gens Isaurica” and the adjacent people called Homanades.

Ce verset du Psaume 150 s'applique bien à Richard D. Barnett, car durant sa féconde direction du Department of Western Asiatic Antiquities, il a fait restaurer, entre autres objets des tombes royales d'Ur, la harpe de Pu-abi et la lyre en argent. Ces réflexions sur les harpes et les lyres mésopotamiennes m'ont donc été suggérées par son article paru en 1969 dans Iraq XXXI: “New Facts about Musical Instruments from Ur” (pp. 96–103).

Il faut bien souligner que sans les instruments des tombes d'Ur, “royalement” exhumés par Sir Leonard Woolley, notre matériel de base serait uniquement iconographique, ce qui n'est certes pas négligeable; mais les représentations d'instruments sur les reliefs et les cylindres-sceaux ne nous renseignent pas comme les objets eux-mêmes; par contre elles permettent de préciser la position du musicien par rapport à l'instrument – debout ou assise –, suivant la taille de la lyre et de la harpe. Les femmes dominent dans les tombes d'Ur: les quatre lyres du “Puits de la mort” étaient jouées par quatre femmes au moment de l'holocauste.

The first fragments of the Epicurean inscription of Diogenes of Oenoanda were discovered by M. Holleaux and P. Paris one hundred years ago, in December 1884, and it is particularly satisfying to be able to mark the centenary of this significant event by publishing three new fragments of Diogenes' work.

The fragments were discovered by members of a British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara team, which spent two weeks at Oenoanda in the summer of 1983 (17th–31st August) carrying forward the epigraphical and topographical survey of the site begun in 1974–7 and continued in 1981.

The members of the team were A. S. Hall (Director), J. J. Coulton, A. Farrington and R. R. R. Smith. The representative of the Turkish Government was Bay İbrahim Malkoç. A heavy debt of gratitude is owed, and warmly acknowledged, to the Directorate-General of Antiquities and Museums of the Ministry of Culture and Tourism in Ankara, from which the permit was derived.

Le 22 juin 1987, au cours d'un voyage en Turquie, j'ai visité le site de la colonie romaine d'Antioche de Pisidie, Colonia Caesarea. Guidé par le directeur du Musée de Yalvač, Bay Mehmet Taşlialan, j'ai eu la surprise d'être conduit par lui auprès d'une base qui avait été sortie de terre la veille à l'occasion de travaux pour l'établissement d'une canalisation à travers le site. Bay Taşlialan m'a autorisé à prendre une copie de l'inscription qui est complète, à la photographier et à la publier (ici, Pl. VIII). Malheureusement je n'avais aucun instrument pour en prendre les mesures.

Il s'agit de la base d'un monument, probablement une statue perdue, qui était couchée sur le sol et portait la dédicace honorifique suivante:

c'est-à-dire, en résolvant les abréviations: C(aio) Valerio, Galli F(ilio), Ser(gia tribu), Nigro, Q(uaestori), Aed(ili), Duov(iro), Irenarch(o), Valeria Paula Patri optumo, H(onoris) C(ausa), D(ecreto) D(ecurionum), qui peut se traduire: Valeria Paula, par décret du Conseil de la Cité, (a dédié ce monument) en l'honneur de son excellent père, C. Valerius, fils de Gallus, de la tribu Sergia, Questeur, Édile, Duovir, Irénarque.

Archaeological excavations were conducted at Alişar Höyük in central Turkey from 1927 to 1932 by the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. The six years of investigation uncovered evidence that indicated the mound had been occupied intermittently from at least the Early Bronze Age through the modern Turkish period. The premature cessation of excavations at the site, however, left many issues unresolved, a situation that has bedeviled Anatolian specialists up to the present day.

Foremost among the problems left unsettled by the Oriental Institute excavations was the question of whether a Late Bronze II settlement (1400–1200 B.C.) had existed at the site, an issue that was raised by the discovery at Alişar of cuneiform tablets written in the Old Assyrian script that referred to a town called Amkuwa, known also from Hittite texts as Ankuwa. On the basis of these references, scholars were quick to associate Amkuwa/Ankuwa with Alişar. The problem with this equation is that, on the one hand, a Hittite text dating to the reign of Hittite king Ḫattušili III makes it clear that Ankuwa was occupied in the LB II.

During the Excavations at Pisidian Antioch conducted for the University of Michigan in 1924 by Professor D. M. Robinson with the help of Sir W. M. Ramsay, a number of inscriptions seem to have been discovered and transferred to the garden of the ortokul in the neighbouring town of Yalvaç. Some remained unpublished, perhaps even unrecorded, and were copied by the present writer during her stay in Yalvaç, in the summer of 1955. Amongst these stones (although it may well have been brought to the school garden on some other occasion) is a block which, broken though it is, still bears substantial portions of two separate inscriptions. One yields fresh information about the constitution of the colony established by Augustus at Antioch in 25 B.C., while the other, a dedication to Gratian and his fellow Augusti, shows Latin in use at Antioch at a very late date in its history and reveals the name of a hitherto unknown governor of Pisidia. The present dimensions of the stone are 0·585 m. by 0·785 m. by 0·585 m. See Plate III.

Leon de Laborde's visit to Alahan in 1826 provided the earliest western account of the monastery complex that is now so closely associated with the work of the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara through the excavations conducted by Michael Gough. Laborde was not, however, the first of the modern visitors. He was preceded by the indefatigable Evliya Çelebi, who visited the site in 1671–1672, while on his way to Mecca for the pilgrimage. Evliya followed more or less the course of the modern highway from Karaman to Mut, and I give below the full account of his journey between these two stations. Of the two primary authorities for the text, I have used MS. Pertev Pş 462, f. 68a as my chief source, with supplements from MS. Beşir Aǧa 452, f. 68a (a fuller, but less scrupulous, and on the whole less intelligent copy). The two copies vary more than is normally to be expected. The lost exemplar may have become increasingly unclear in the final two volumes, and the copyists were probably tiring of their monumental task. In the 1935 modernization of Seyahatname, Vol. IX, the passage occurs on pages 315–316.

Volume XXII of Anatolian Studies which was dedicated to Prof. S. Lloyd contains (in pp. 87–114) a detailed study by J. D. Hawkins of the Hittite hieroglyphic monumental inscriptions and stone monuments from the area of the Lower Palace in Carchemish. It seems needless to stress the importance of this study which presents a reliable and up to date reading of the inscriptions. The data gathered from them can now be better used in attempts to solve the complex problems of the chronology and arrangement of the associated monuments. This was done by Hawkins who on the basis of the inscriptional evidence came to various conclusions concerning the monuments of the Long Wall of Sculpture and the Great Staircase. Some of his conclusions form the subject of this rejoinder.

The village of Tille, now named Geldibuldu, is situated on the right bank of the Euphrates, at the western end of the modern bridge which takes the Adıyaman—Urfa/Diyarbakır road across the river. Tille village lies on the north side of the modern road at c. 30 km. east of Kahta and c. 60 km. east of Adıyaman. It is not large; the number of houses is small. The village is surrounded by gardens, particularly on the east, south and south-west sides; there are several fountains in and near the village. A good spring rises on the hillside south-west of the village and provides the main source of water for irrigation (Fig. 1, Pl. XXXIIIa, b).

The village is a muhtarlık, although the present muhtar does not reside in Tille; he lives in a mezraa of the village, Karatilbe, one of six such independent hamlets of Geldibuldu muhtarliǧı: Kefiri, Açoǧlu, Körseluk, Tilbe, Karatilbe, and Semagün, all forming part of the territory of Geldibuldu.