The Sotho of the North-Eastern Transvaal Lowveld occupy an area with fairly well-marked geographical boundaries. To the east, the Game Reserve, low-lying, unhealthy, very sparsely populated even in the old days, remains an effective barrier to contact with and further migrations from the Shangana-Tonga of Portuguese East Africa. South are the Olifants River and the towering Drakensberg range curving north-west then northwards to merge into the well-marked escarpment on the west dividing Lowveld from Highveld. On the north the Klein Letaba river roughly demarcates our area from the Venda and the Shangana-Tonga of the Knobnose Location. The Sotho-speaking Venda of Tswale and Moila, who fall well within this area, resemble in culture their Sotho-ized neighbours more than their own Venda kin to the north; but the Shangana- Tonga, who occupy most of the lower-lying eastern and north-eastern portion of the area and comprise at least one-third of its total population, are unassimilated strangers of different stock coming from the north-east and east. They have been entering since about 1840, usually in small bands, at first seeking the protection of and subjecting themselves to the Sotho owners of the land. On the arrival of the white man, some of their headmen were granted independent locations which have served as nuclei for the building up of more united tribal groups. (See accompanying map.)

An outstanding feature of the kinship organization of the Baniyankole is its lack of uniformity. Here we have an African tribe composed of pastoralists and agriculturalists, whose respective kinship organizations reveal marked differences, despite the fact that they have for a long time inhabited a common territory, spoken a common language, and practised many similar customs. Besides these two, so to speak, original forms there are the more recent variations due to European influences. If we are to study the family, for instance, we shall have to consider several types. There is the family of the Muhima herdsman, the family of the agricultural Mwiru of the old type, the family of the peasant who owns cattle and grows coffee, and the family of the government clerk or school teacher. Similarly, if we were to study the political organization, we should have to consider the old form of Banyankole kingship as it existed when the British took over the administration of Ankole, the outlines of which we are able to construct not only from the present form of government but also from official documents and the memories of missionaries and natives who lived at the time, and the series of changes that have taken place in this form of government. It at once becomes apparent that we are here dealing with variations and change. Differences in time and space are as much facts of the case as are the peculiarities and general features of a given item of culture. Any realistic approach to the variations and changes in the kinship organization of the Banyankole, therefore, calls not only for description but for comparison and interpretation.

Modern anthropological research has shown that at every level of civilization there exists a moral code which is expressed in the ideal behaviour of individuals in the community, that is a behaviour which is ‘correct’ according to the people's ideas and praised by them in speech and story. Part of this moral code consists of regulations determining the mutual behaviour of the sexes, that is, of rules attempting to direct and control the physiological and emotional sexual impulses in individuals in the interest of the social well-being of the community or state. These physiological and emotional forces of sex are part of the biological equipment of human beings and hence common to all peoples. The anthropologist among so-called primitive people can approach the study of the moral code and its application from two angles: that of the individual, and that of the community. In all forms of society there is a supposition that individuals find control in sexual matters irksome, and only submit to restraint as a result of effective training allied to effective external pressure. A further universal supposition is that the community finds it necessary to demand a certain type of behaviour from individuals for the sake of its cohesion and stability. Both these suppositions are borne out by anthropological studies in primitive sociology. As soon, however, as we descend from general principles to a particular tribe, we begin to ask whether there is any connexion between the nature of the community and its demands on individuals as represented by the moral code and especially by the sexual regulations. Is there, for example, less need for stringent sexual regulations in a small isolated community than in a warlike tribe dependent for its existence on the strength of its arms? And if there is any such connexion what are the reasons for it?

Native Education in the Union is in an unhealthy state. Three years ago, the doctors were called in to diagnose and prescribe a cure. The result was the Report of the Interdepartmental Committee on Native Education, 1935-1936. Some of its recommendations displeased another set of doctors, viz. the Native Affairs Commission, who, on their own initiative, offered their view of the case, agreeing on the symptoms of sickness, but prescribing, in the Report of the Native Affairs Commission for the Year 1936, quite a different mode of treatment.

L'aurès, le massif montagneux le plus élevé de l'Algérie, est situé à l'est de la grande trouée de Biskra, au nord du chott Melghir, à l'ouest de la grande dorsale tunisienne et au sud des plateaux de Constantine. C'est une région naturelle très nette, où un groupe berbère important est resté peu arabisé et encore moins européanisé.

The Zulu live on the south-east coast of South Africa, in a region of fertile soil, watered by fair summer rains which are occasionally interrupted by drought. Towards the end of the agricultural season they hold a great tribal ceremony, which Sir James Frazer cites as a typical first fruits sacrament, though the ceremony itself has many different rites. I hope in this paper to show that these, and the taboos on the early eating of the first fruits, together with the ritual approach to them, guard against socially disruptive forces. To the natives the importance of the ceremony is that it protects them against mystical powers; their actual effect must be sought by the anthropologist.

Wherever native courts have been established and maintain W records of their proceedings, there is available a mass of material concerning native law and custom which, properly regarded, may be of great value to the ethnographer as well as to the administrator. In Tanganyika Territory, from one portion of which the material for the present paper is derived, the making of elaborate records of evidence and judgements is deprecated at the present stage of development, as likely to interfere with the smooth working of the courts. A minimum is required of the names of parties, a brief statement of the subject-matter, and a short judgement signed by the holder of the court, be he chief, headman, or chairman of a council. Under such circumstances, a study of records will show, at the least, the types of social maladjustment which bring people to court, with the relative frequency of different kinds of case: the manner in which different types of case are viewed by the court, whether as offences against society or as affecting only families or individuals: and probably some general indication of the tone of the society. From this type of record there will be an upward range to the most valuable of all for the student, those containing a precis of evidence and a full reasoned judgement.

Diverses études, publiées dans Africa au cours des dernières années, ont signalé combien la nourriture des populations vivant sous les tropiques était parfois insuffisante, irrégulière, peu variée, mal équilibrée, et quelles conséquences graves en résultaient pour celles qui sont soumises à un semblable régime. Cet article a pour but de résumer les principales mesures qui ont été prises par les États colonisateurs dans leurs diverses possessions afin de combattre un pareil état de choses.

Les Berbères de l'Aurès, pour désigner leurs groupes sociaux, utilisent deux mots: harfiqt et εarch L'un, εarch, correspond à la tribu, c'est-à-dire à un groupe politique; l'autre, harfiqt, au groupe familial ou pseudo-familial. C'est la réunion d'un certain nombre de groupes pseudo-familiaux qui constitue une tribu.

The three chapters of this essay occupy less than fifty pages in a book which contains a thousand. This proportion may be taken as evidence of the way in which African education is commonly regarded, but it is no index of the value of the material. Much of the labour which Mr. Scott has expended on the collection of data must be regarded as ‘original research into specific problems of Education’ such as the Preface to the Year Book has in view. The importance of the article is that Mr. Scott has brought out the connexion between the general development of British Africa and what has been happening in education during the same period of history, and that he has given to the consideration of African education a new outlook and interpretation.

Africans and Melanesians have been put into a similar position by the Europeans who invaded and occupied their country, and extended a colonial tutelage over them. There are, of course, many kinds of ‘colonies’ and ‘native’ peoples in each of these regions: within the African continent (as far as it is inhabited by black races) various areas can be distinguished in east, west, and south. The Papuo-Melanesians exhibit regional varieties in a somewhat similar way.

As far as I am aware, no complete detailed study has been made before of any tribal market in North-West Africa (Barbary States), and certainly not of any in Morocco.

Ubach and Rackow give a few details of the organization and customs at such a market in Tódga (S.E. Morocco), and other workers such as Doutté, Michaux-Bellaire and Salmon, Montagne, Coon, and the anonymous contributors to the official French Government publication Villes et Tribus du Maroc give general descriptions and a few details. Further, Hanoteau and Letourneux, and Schurtz, make some generally applicable statements, while Westermarck gives accurate details of a considerable number of practices at, and beliefs concerning, different markets in different tribes of Morocco. But no previous worker has published a detailed study of any one market.

There are great and striking differences between the art products of Benin and those of the Yoruba towns through which one passes on the way across country to that city. Efforts to find woodcarvers or brass-founders at, for instance, Ibadan were in vain, in spite of the co-operation of the Resident, Mr. Ward-Price, to whom I am also indebted for general assistance on my journey. The native arts and crafts of Benin, in comparison with those of the Yoruba towns, are still in a highly nourishing condition; the wood-carvers in particular were fully occupied. Again and again I came across altars for ancestor worship, images, carved doors, &c., which have been made during the last few score years. They show a wealth of pagan artistic skill of a high order which is most impressive, especially in contrast with the stagnation at such places as Ibadan and Ife, and is even more astonishing, as Benin was overwhelmed by a catastrophe from which one might have expected that it would never recover. A British punitive expedition conquered the city and dethroned the king in 1897 and an extensive fire burnt down the whole place. At this time most of the Benin bronze work came to Europe. Of the older products only a few were left in their original home. Consequently the art of new Benin has been built up again on a tabula rasa. But the work of these forty years is plentiful enough. One has the impression that Benin is determined to make good the colossal damage that was done to it.

The Report of the De La Warr Commission on Education in East Africa, the recent Colonial Office pamphlet on Education and Village Communities, and repeated statements and proposals by Directors of Education in British African dependencies are again drawing attention to the pressing need for new advances in the development of educational facilities in Africa. From these studies, proposals and reports it becomes clear that there are three main directions along which the need for advance seems urgent, namely: the development of higher education of a University standing (and the establishment of centres for research at the projected University schools), the increasing of facilities for secondary education which shall, inter alia, open for a greater number of Africans the doors to University studies, and, lastly, an increase in the numbers of some kind of rudimentary schools for the peoples as a whole, which will help to spread the basic tools of modern living—reading, writing, and arithmetic. It is this last line of development which is the subject of the present article.