During the period of British colonial control of the former mandated territory of Tanganyika, political activity among the Matengo of the extreme south-western part of the country was characterized by opposition and conflict between two chiefly dynasties of the tribe. The issue on which the contending parties focused was that of the legitimacy of conflicting claims to the office of paramount chief. Both dynasties made use of versions of traditional history to support their claims to rulership. In this paper I propose to discuss the major features of these contrasting traditional histories and examine their significance for the understanding of aspects of political conflict and change in Umatengo during the colonial regime.

A well-known native in Tanganyika Territory was asked one day what would be left of European civilization in Africa if the Europeans left the country to-morrow. He replied unhesitatingly, ‘Football’. His reply was probably onlyintended to mean that this element of European culture made a very special appeal to him. Nevertheless, considering his comment as a suggestive, though unconscious criticism, there is perhaps sufficient truth in the remark to merit careful thought. Such thought and a cursory survey of the conditions under which vast numbers of natives live to-day, compared with those under which they lived prior to the advent of the European, is not very encouraging. It is true that the country is governed in peace, which was not so in the past, and abuse of power by the chiefs has been reduced to a negligible quantity. It is true that railways have been built, opening up the country. It is true that under the recently developed native self-administration, political self-realization and reawakened pride of tribe are becoming increasingly evident. Especially are all these things true of the advanced tribes of Nyasaland, Uganda, Bukoba, and Moshi. For these tribes and a scattered number of regularly employed natives, such as clerks and teachers, there has been progress towards economic standards. The people are comparatively wealthy, well provided with blankets, lamps, soap, and similar ‘luxuries’, and live healthier, more comfortable lives than their forefathers. On the other hand, the subjects of many of the other tribes, and in some instances even the chiefs themselves, still live in huts which would often be better described as hovels.

The accuracy of a Census return is taken for granted in England; it is only when we turn to Africa that we realize how far it is the outcome of close and efficient administration, and of a people willing and able to do their part. The reader who passes from these fair-seeming tables to study the methods by which they were compiled, will conclude, all the more if he knows his Africa, that neither the will nor even the money are enough to obtain the information necessary for wise government. Africa presents us here with something of a vicious circle; knowledge cannot far outrun good administration; administration is therefore condemned to be empirical. Fortunately, however, the circle is not quite complete, and readers of Africa know that the Institute is doing its part to take advantage of the gap.

This article deals with metida avoidance practices as they emerge in daily and ritual practice among the agro-pastoral Datoga-speaking peoples of Tanzania. The elaboration of the avoidance practices varies starkly between and within Datoga segments, but these practices are commonly particularly elaborate in connection with death or death-like events, and with birth or birth-like events. In the study area women may spend years of their lives with severe restrictions on their conduct in terms of movement and socialization. We argue that in making sense of such avoidance phenomena the strong influence of Mary Douglas's ‘dirt’ and ‘pollution’ concepts has hindered an understanding of the fact that the metida seclusion does not only isolate substances perceived to be dangerously contaminating, but in similar ways secludes fertile and vulnerable elements in order to protect them. A Strathern-inspired transition to a focus on bodies as open and dynamic systems that mingle with other bodies in intimate flows or exchanges of bodily fluids may be fruitful in this context. We indicate, however, that incautious substitution of a ‘pollution’ concept with the concept of ‘flows’ may lead to challenges not entirely dissimilar to those that attended the employment of Douglas's concepts.

En 1887, A. H. Post publiait son ouvrage intitulé Afrikanische Jurisprudenz—Ethnologisch-juristisch Beiträge zur Kenntniss der einheimischen Rechte Afrikas. L'Afrique semblait ainsi entrer de plein pied dans la science juridique moderne. En réalité, il n'en était rien, car davantage que son titre, le sous-titre de l'œuvre était caractéristique d'une orientation qui devait être celle de la science juridique africaine au cours des décennies ultérieures. Au cours de cette période, qui s'étend jusqu'à l'époque des premières indépendances africaines, ce qui aurait pu être le droit africain sera la juxtaposition de deux systèmes juridiques totalement distincts, celui du colonisé et celui du colonisateur, le premier nommé étant le plus souvent qualifié d'indigène (native) ou de coutumier (customary).

Doubtful land titles are established or contested through recognized legal channels. Traditionally, the jurisdiction in land disputes is vested in judges (danya) who are the chiefs of the community in whose territory the land is situated. This rule applies also to land litigation between full members of the community and the strangers and guest-groups which may hold land (by lease or other titles) in the area. We note that in such disputes between the hereditary landlords and the landless foreigners the former also arrogate to themselves the right of jurisdiction.

Si vous demandez à un Mbali ce que signifie ce nom, il vous répondra fièrement: Kimbali veut dire, ‘Noir civilisé’. Si vous poussez plus loin votre curiosité et voulez savoir si ce terme même signifie ‘civilisé’, et en quelle langue, le plus intelligent de vos interlocuteurs ne saura vous donner une explication satisfaisante. Tout au plus dira-t-il: C'est ainsi que les non-civilisés, les ‘gentios’, appellent les Noirs qui vivent au service des Blancs. C'est exact, mais insuffisant comme explication. Du reste eux-mêmes se désignent volontiers par le même mot. En tenant compte de tous les éléments constitutifs on pourrait ainsi définir les Mbali: Des Noirs descendants d'anciens esclaves et travailleurs de plantations ayant assimilé un grand nombre d'éléments culturels de leurs anciens maîtres et qui aujourd'hui encore cherchent facilement leur gagne-pain chez les Blancs comme domestiques et comme artisans.