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Validated computerized assessments for cognitive functioning are crucial for older individuals and those at risk of cognitive decline. The National Institutes of Health (NIH) Toolbox Cognition Battery (NIHTB-CB) exhibits good construct validity but requires validation in diverse populations and for adults aged 85+. This study uses data from the Assessing Reliable Measurement in Alzheimer’s Disease and cognitive Aging study to explore differences in the factor structure of the NIHTB-CB for adults 85 and older, Black participants versus White participants, and those diagnosed as amnestic Mild Cognitive Impairment (aMCI) vs cognitively normal (CN).
Method:
Subtests from the NACC UDS-3 and NIHTB-CB were administered to 503 community-dwelling Black and White adults ages 55–99 (367 CN; 136 aMCI). Confirmatory factor analyses were used to investigate the original factor structure of NIHTB-CB that forms the basis for NIHTB-CD Index factor scores.
Results:
Factor analyses for all participants and some participant subsets (aMCI, White, 85+) substantiated the two anticipated factors (Fluid and Crystallized). However, while Black aMCI participants had the expected two-factor structure, for Black CN participants, the List Sorting Working Memory and Picture Sequence tests loaded on the Crystallized factor.
Conclusions:
Findings provide psychometric support for the NIHTB-CB. Differences in factor structure between Black CN individuals and Black aMCI individuals suggest potential instability across levels of cognitive impairment. Future research should explore changes in NIHTB-CB across diagnoses in different populations.
Chapter 5 determines whether the Black public shares Black politicians’ awareness of the anger rule. We accomplish this task by examining if Black Americans express less political and racial anger in the presence of whites relative to Black Americans. Analyzing data from 2004 to 2012 American National Election Studies (ANES) along with the ANES cumulative file, we find that Black survey respondents report significantly less political anger than white respondents. This difference magnifies when Black Americans are in the presence of a white interviewer. These findings indicate that Black Americans recognize that their group must limit their anger in the presence of whites. It is this knowledge that, we believe, motivates Black Americans to be more willing to give Black politicians an emotional pass when they fail to express anger about politics.
It is hard to see the early Emerson as anything other than a racist. There are just far too many ugly comments in his journals; even in his earlier antislavery speeches he seems, at best, tone-deaf. But gradually Emerson began to have a broader view of race that resulted in his actually being a leader in speaking for racial equality and integration. How did this happen? The chapter evaluates how Emerson embraced and then renounced scientific racism. It also analyzes his compositional strategies within his journals. Often, Emerson posed unthinkable ideas there to provoke himself to move beyond a position. That is demonstrably the case with certain racist statements. It is not a straight line from racist to defender of a common humanity, but it is a discernible one. Emerson’s growth here parallels both his move toward abolitionism and his recalibration of self-reliance.
This paper aims to explore attitudes toward immigration among two non-White groups, Asian Americans and Black Americans. For more than a decade, individuals from Asia have comprised the majority of immigrants entering the United States each year. Today, the majority of the Asian American U.S. population remains foreign-born. Yet using data collected from the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Survey and the 2016 National Asian American Survey—a time period marked by high levels of saliency with regard to immigration issues—we find that Black Americans, the majority of whom are U.S.-born, exhibit even more progressive attitudes towards immigration, both legal and undocumented, than mostly foreign-born Asian Americans. Our research challenges economic and material theories related to immigration attitudes and suggests that political connections to and “linked fate” with other minorities better explain why Black Americans exhibit more progressive attitudes toward immigration than Asian Americans.
Theoretical and conceptual frameworks are often underutilized in research, which may diminish understanding of the phenomena and contribute to the under-development of interventions. The topic of low/disparate rates of Advance Care Planning (ACP) among African Americans has been researched extensively; however, the use of theoretical and/or conceptual frameworks has not been reported. The purpose of this review is to describe theoretical and/or conceptual frameworks utilized in studies that investigated factors affecting perceptions of ACP or ACP rates among African Americans.
Methods
Utilizing a narrative, literature review process, themes were generated, applied, and described with frequencies across broad categories of study characteristics, framework categories and key constructs, mode of framework application, and quality of framework reporting.
Results
Four main types of frameworks were found with behavioral frameworks dominating the collection of studies. Complex, systems theoretical frameworks were less common. Framework use and reporting quality findings are described.
Significance of results
The problem of disparate rates of ACP among African Americans is nuanced and varied, stemming from both internal (e.g., personal, behavioral) and external factors (e.g., living conditions). While important and necessary to focus on internal, psychological factors, it is also vital to incorporate systems’ theories such as the Cumulative Disadvantage Theory to better understand and demonstrate inherent complexities. Recommendations for framework use are discussed for research and clinical application. Incorporating complexity science approaches and multi-systems theories may support multi-level modeling needed to understand this problem and reduce ACP disparities in this population.
The National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) Research Domain Criteria (RDoC) initiative aims to understand the mechanisms influencing psychopathology through a dimensional approach. Limited research thus far has considered potential racial/ethnic differences in RDoC constructs that are influenced by developmental and contextual processes. A growing body of research has demonstrated that racial trauma is a pervasive chronic stressor that impacts the health of Black Americans across the life course. In this review article, we examine the ways that an RDOC framework could allow us to better understand the biological embedding of racial trauma among Black Americans. We also specifically examine the Negative Valence System domain of RDoC to explore how racial trauma is informed by and can help expand our understanding of this domain. We end the review by providing some additional research considerations and future research directives in the area of racial trauma that build on the RDoC initiative.
On December 10, 1948, the UN General Assembly adopted the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Drafted by a panel of notables chaired by Eleanor Roosevelt, the Declaration is framed in the language of dignity from its first sentence. Four months later, black singer, actor, and activist Paul Robeson’s invocation of dignity fatally damaged his career. Robeson asserted that the Soviet Union guaranteed the dignity of blacks. On first glance, Robeson would seem to be echoing the UN language, but in fact, Robeson had been speaking and writing about dignity continuously since his 1919 graduation speech from Rutgers. Black Americans, led by Robeson, would use the language of dignity in their petitions imploring the UN to investigate the oppression of African Americans as well as informally, in black social spaces. This chapter tracks the efforts of Robeson (himself often described as personifying dignity in his artistic performances) to advance a notion of dignity that subversively mimicked regnant liberal and Christian understandings of the concept. In doing so, he recovers a vernacular sense of dignity with a quite different provenance than the European Christian tradition – but closely connected with the instincts of African American Christians such as Robeson’s preacher father.
The connection between social identity and attitudes toward the criminal justice system (CJS) is an area of interest among criminologists and legitimacy scholars. Previous work has proposed a social identity theory of legitimation, positing that individuals categorize CJS officials as either in-group (i.e. legitimate authority) or out-group (i.e. illegitimate enforcer). Subsequently, how individuals perceive their CJS – including the sincerity of its commitment to the rule of law – is tied to this relationship. Those viewing the government as an out-group oppressor are less likely to accept its legitimacy. This article explores this thesis. From the perspective of system justification theory, how the CJS is categorized should depend on how strongly an individual identifies as belonging to a group disadvantaged by the CJS. System justification theorists hypothesize that system justification (including acceptance of system legitimacy) is more likely when members of disadvantaged groups believe that group interests are less important. Alternative models that explain attitudes toward the system by using social identity theory suggest the opposite: Those who identify more strongly with disadvantaged groups and hold their interests to be more important nonetheless justify oppositional systems and view them legitimately. The present study uses a sample of Black Americans (a disadvantaged group in the American CJS) to determine whether group identification predicts system justification.
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