Jade has been long recognized by archaeologists as an important trade item among ancient Mesoamerican cultures, particularly for ancient Olmec and Maya cultures. Unfortunately, the precocious development of Olmec society led many early archaeologists to overemphasize Olmec influence on the Maya during the Formative period (ca. 1000–400 BC). This is particularly noteworthy in the attribution of tri-lobed jade “spoon” pendants to the Olmec despite the lack of archaeological evidence. Using a recently discovered tri-lobed jade “spoon” pendant from the site of Ka'kabish, Belize, and dated to the Middle Formative period (ca. 800–600 BC), this article argues that such pieces should not be unquestionably attributed to the Olmec. This argument is supported by correlation with similar objects from other secure archaeological contexts at Maya sites dating to the Middle Formative period. This article contends that using the ethnonym Olmec to describe these objects creates an a priori assumption that these objects originated in the Olmec region and were merely repurposed by the Maya and argues for a reinterpretation of the origin and meaning for these objects.

We previously reported astronomical alignments with the principal temple of the archaeological site of El Paraiso in coastal Peru. Here we describe a new investigation of nine small platform mounds associated with the two giant animal effigy mounds at the site. A total station map of the site permits possible astronomical alignments to be measured directly from the AutoCAD map by Pixelstick or AutoCAD. We corrected alignments for obliquity and for the apparent curvature of the sun and moon over the crest of nearby ridges. Azimuths for astronomical events were obtained from Starry Night Pro Plus 6.4.3. We found that 13 of 14 alignments were within 1° of the predicted astronomical values (and all 14 were within 1.5°). To account for these findings and those of the giant animal platform effigy mounds at the site, we propose a cosmology in the Late Preceramic period of solar and lunar alignments and the linkage of supernatural animals to dark cloud constellations. The building of these mounds was directed by astronomer priests. A shared belief in a cosmology that included a punishing force may have eased transactions by engendering trust among individuals living across river valleys and at different altitudes.

Los otáridos fueron recursos críticos para muchas sociedades costeras de Sudamérica. Se han propuesto diferentes estrategias para la explotación de esta presa, que parten principalmente de considerar parámetros ecológicos sobre su distribución y comportamiento y que pueden ser examinados según la especie, la edad y el sexo de los especímenes identificados en el registro arqueológico. En este trabajo partimos de estos criterios para analizar la representación de restos de otáridos en conjuntos zooarqueológicos de diferentes espacios del sur de Tierra del Fuego. Los resultados indican que se implementaron estrategias similares de explotación en toda el área, aún donde se presumen condiciones geográficas, culturales y ecológicas diferentes en la relación humano-otárido. A partir de los resultados se examinan algunos aspectos analíticos sobre la identificación zooarqueológica de individuos lactantes y la caracterización de la forma de explotación de esta presa según el tipo de apostadero y su distribución en el ambiente actual.

In this study, we address interpersonal violence during the transition between the Middle and the Late Formative periods in the Central Andes, a critical period of political disintegration, hypothesized population pressure, and reorganization of the belief systems that is poorly known from a bioarchaeological viewpoint. Our objective is to understand the nature of the violence and associated factors in this context based on a detailed description of skeletal trauma in 67 well-preserved individuals (20 adolescents and adults and 47 subadults) recovered from Quebrada Chupacigarro cemetery (500–400 BC); this site is located in the middle valley of Supe on the Peruvian north-central coast. To detect patterns and potential causes, we registered the prevalence of traumatic injury according to age, sex, anatomic location, mechanisms (blunt, sharp, mixed, etc.), timing (antemortem or perimortem), and manner (inflicted or accidental). The results show a high prevalence of fractures in the whole population, but especially in adolescents and adults. Eighty percent of the adolescents and adults perished due to the intentional trauma and show patterns that suggest repetitive episodes of interpersonal violence. Perimortem injuries in the skull, face, and thorax are compatible with lethal interpersonal violence. The findings support a probable scenario of intercommunity violence in the middle valley of Supe around 500–400 BC.

For almost a century, caches have been regular discoveries at most Preclassic and Classic Maya sites (ca. 800 BC–AD 950). As early as the 1960s, William Coe noticed a number of recurring patterns (Tikal Report No. 27A). Fifty years after the end of the Tikal Project's excavations, it was nonetheless necessary to review the data from all the successive projects to identify new deposits and reanalyze contexts deemed problematic. As a result, 343 caches are now identified at Tikal, of which 97% can be assigned to a recurrent Ritual Cache Complex on the basis of a combination of etic criteria including content, context of discovery, and chronology. Their study confirms a link between architectural and depositional sequences but also probable functions as gift offerings and agentive tools used by the whole population for ceremonies closely related to the type of structure in which they were performed. Finally, the repetition of cases provides a cautious basis for emic interpretations, thanks to the support of ethnographic comparisons. This organization of rituals into recurring patterns goes beyond Tikal and even the Maya area. This article is thus a first step toward a future larger-scale study.

This article investigates the utility of a chaîne opératoire approach centered on technologies of ceramic production for identifying Inca mitmaqkuna archaeologically. Although early documents suggest that the Inca program of resettlement (mitmaq) was massive in scale, archaeologists have had minimal success in identifying such relocated populations. Here we test a novel approach that focuses on technologies of production and associated tool assemblages used within different communities of practice. Previous studies indicate that the ethnic Cañari of southern Ecuador used a distinctive method of pottery manufacture involving a specific chaîne opératoire and a unique set of production-related tools. According to early sources, the Inca deported Cañari peoples to various sectors of Tawantinsuyu. In this article, we investigate the contemporary manufacturing style of ceramics from the Ancash region of north-central Peru—an area where Cañari mitmaqkuna were purportedly resettled—to determine whether distinctive communities of practice potentially representing relocated communities might be visible. The results of this study suggest that it is possible to identify connections among distant communities of practice via a focus on craft production technologies that, in certain historical contexts, may be construed as evidence for the presence of resettled populations.

La costa del Pacífico de los Andes meridionales tiene una larga historia ocupacional que muestra una diversificación regional hacia el Holoceno medio y tardío. La costa del centro norte de Chile tuvo una importante ocupación cazadora-recolectora entre 6000 y 2000 cal aP, que difiere de las observadas en áreas vecinas por sus características ambientales e históricas. Los estudios de contextos funerarios revelan que estos grupos experimentaron una expansión demográfica y vivieron conflictos sociales durante este período. Sin embargo, el énfasis en la importancia de los contextos funerarios entre 6000 y 2000 cal aP ha limitado nuestro conocimiento de las estrategias medioambientales de estos grupos y el uso de los recursos costeros. Esta investigación examina evidencias recuperadas de contextos residenciales y funerarios del sitio Punta Teatinos (Bahía de Coquimbo, costa centro norte de Chile, 29°S) para evaluar las estrategias de uso ambiental aplicadas. El estudio de estas evidencias —incluyendo estratigrafía, fechados radiocarbónicos, material lítico, malacológico y zooarqueológico; microfósiles, cálculos dentales, isótopos estables y arte rupestre— indican una explotación de recursos costeros, a los que se sumaron otros de origen terrestre. Aunque no se identificaron cambios temporales en la explotación de los recursos costeros, las pruebas también indican cambios en la constitución de los paisajes históricos y de las redes sociales extrarregionales.

The Tiwanaku civilization (around AD 500–1100) originated in the Bolivian altiplano of the south-central Andes and established agrarian colonies (AD 600–1100) in the Peruvian coastal valleys. Current dietary investigations at Tiwanaku colonial sites focus on maize, a coastal valley cultivar with ritual and political significance. Here, we examine Tiwanaku provincial foodways and ask to what degree the Tiwanaku settlers maintained their culinary and agrarian traditions as they migrated into the lower-altitude coastal valleys to farm the land. We analyze archaeobotanical remains from the Tiwanaku site of Cerro San Antonio (600 m asl) in the Locumba Valley and compare them to data from the Tiwanaku site in the altiplano and the Rio Muerto site in the Moquegua Valley during the period of state expansion. Our findings show high proportions of wild, weedy, and domesticated Amaranthaceae cultivars, suggesting that Tiwanaku colonists grew traditional high-valley (2,000–3,000 m asl) and altiplano (3,000–4,000 m asl) foods on the lowland frontier because of their established cultural dietary preferences and Amaranthaceae's ability to adapt to various agroclimatic and edaphic conditions.

Recent archaeological and remote sensing research in the Maya Lowlands has demonstrated evidence for extensive modification of the landscape in the forms of channeled fields and upland terraces. Scholars often assume these measures were taken primarily to intensify maize production; however, paleoethnobotany highlights a greater diversity of crops grown by the precolonial Maya. This study combines the growth requirements of 18 crops cultivated by ancient Maya farmers with lidar and other geospatial data in a suitability model that maps optimal areas for growth. These 18 crops cluster into five groups of crops with similar growth requirements. Across the study region, different groupings of crops had different suitability in and around different ancient Maya centers and agricultural features. This spatial variation in suitability reflects the heterogeneity of land resources and adaptations and contributes to existing conversations about economic and settlement organization in the study area. The results of this study serve as a foundation for future field studies and more complex spatial models.

En este trabajo se discute un conjunto de indicios de poblamiento humano en diferentes locus de la Pampa Occidental: el sitio 1 de la localidad Tapera Moreira, El Carmel y Casa de Piedra. El poblamiento inicial de este territorio ha estado restringido a un solo dato cronológico correspondiente al Holoceno temprano, proveniente del sitio Casa de Piedra 1 (8620 ± 190 años aP) que no ha sido replicado en ese u otros sitios de la región. Por ello no ha sido incorporado en la agenda de la discusión sobre esta temática en publicaciones recientes. Sin embargo, en años posteriores a su publicación se han suscitado diversos hallazgos cuyos contextos señalan gran potencial informativo en relación con la ocupación humana inicial de paisajes sin historia previa. Se presentan indicadores de cultura material (puntas de tipo cola de pescado, litos discoidales y materias primas muy seleccionadas y con tratamiento térmico) recuperados en asociación en diferentes locus pampeanos, que se relacionan con las expectativas generadas para una etapa de ocupación inicial del paisaje. Se propone un modelo de exploración lenta y discontinua que utilizó vías de transitabilidad de distinto rango en el proceso de conocimiento y colonización de estos ambientes desérticos.

Este trabajo se propone avanzar en la comprensión de los procesos históricos de pintado del sitio arqueológico de Oyola (Sierra El Alto-Ancasti, Catamarca, Argentina). En particular, se evalúan similitudes y diferencias en la composición material de las mezclas pigmentarias para entrever la existencia de antiguas recetas pictóricas en la confección de las pinturas rupestres negras. Para ello se realizaron análisis microestratigráficos de 28 motivos mediante microscopía electrónica de barrido con análisis elemental por espectroscopía dispersiva en energía de rayos X (MEB-EDS), y microespectroscopía Raman (RS). Su estudio comparativo señaló el uso alternativo de dos pigmentos negros (carbón vegetal y óxidos de manganeso) combinados, en algunos casos, con un aditivo (sulfato de calcio). De esta forma, fue posible conocer ciertos aspectos de las recetas pictóricas que orientaron la preparación de las mezclas pigmentarias negras, aproximándonos a algunas de las tradiciones y saberes retomados. Para alcanzar una comprensión histórica de dichas recetas, se evaluó la distribución espacial, temporal y algunas características formales de los motivos rupestres realizados con ellas. Al no identificarse tendencias claras, se propone una definición menos normativa de receta pictórica que resalta los aspectos compartidos entre distintos episodios de pintado sin perder de vista las posibilidades creativas de cada evento.

Biophysical conditions played a fundamental role in early human colonization of insular territories, particularly in food-producing societies dealing with limited resources and the challenges of maintaining a sustainable carrying capacity. Studies on past human colonization of small oceanic islands thus offer insights into economic plasticity, ecological impacts, and adaptation of early food-producing groups. On the coast of southern Chile, early evidence is dated to 950 cal BP of island colonization by coastal populations with mainland subsistence systems based on the exploitation of marine resources, along with gathering, managing, and cultivating plants and hunting terrestrial animals. Strikingly, the extent to which these mixed economies contributed to insular colonization efforts is largely unknown. Here we used organic residue analysis of ceramic artifacts to shed light on the subsistence of populations on Mocha Island in southern Chile. We extracted and analyzed lipids from 51 pottery sherds associated with the El Vergel cultural complex that flourished in southern Chile between 950 and 400 cal BP. Chemical and stable isotope analysis of the extracts identified a range of food products, including C3 and C4 plants and marine organisms. The results reveal the central role of mixed subsistence systems in fueling the colonization of Mocha Island.

The archaeological study of craft production investigates the role of household activities in broader social and political networks. In the Maya area, the production and distribution of ceramics, especially prestige ceramics including polychrome and fine ware pottery, relate to broader transformations in Maya society from the Classic to Terminal Classic periods. However, direct evidence for ceramic production in the form of kilns, workshops, or associated detritus can be elusive. We report the identification, excavation, and preliminary analysis of a large deposit of fine paste ceramics, including sherds representative of the Fine Orange and Fine Gray wares in the type-variety system of Maya ceramics, from a household group at the archaeological site of Benemérito de las Américas Primera Sección, located near the confluence of the Lacantún and Usumacinta Rivers. Discarded ceramics from this context exhibit several signs of overfiring consistent with pottery production. This deposit challenges notions of functional versus symbolic activity, as the members of this household used this deposit to dedicate a group of three burials accompanied by offerings including a figurine ensemble. We discuss the implications for this deposit in the context of economic shifts taking place across the Maya Lowlands during this period.

Since the 1970s, hundreds of khipus—Andean knotted-string recording devices—have been named after academic researchers. This practice disassociates individual khipus from their places of origin and reifies scientific inequity. Here, a new convention of the form KH#### (e.g., KH0125) is proposed, which we believe represents a more neutral, direct, and accurate nomenclature. The change is implemented in the Open Khipu Repository (OKR), the largest khipu database.

This report examines the deposit of a sixteenth-century cache of silver aquillas within a Chachapoya household at the site of Purun Llacta de Soloco. The report examines their context and contents. These findings have implications for a larger examination of social value in Andean societies and the specialized treatment and use of ritual objects during the tumultuous colonial period.