In questo articolo si discutono le tecniche murarie usate a Roma nel periodo c. 1080–c. 1300: opere murarie—con o senza riempitura a calce degli interstizi (stilatura), falsa cortina–e con modulo variato; opus listatum (opus mixtum), con l'uso di tufi e mattoni; opus saracinescum, solo di tufelli. Le variazioni di modulo possono servire a datare a tre periodi le opere murarie medievali: c. 1080–c. 1216; c. 1216–c. 1246; c. 1246–c. 1300. La stilatura sembra fosse il marchio distintivo di certe imprese costruttrici; fu usata tra c. 1080–c. 1200; nel XII secolo si trova ancora tra i conci rastremati. Mentre l'opus listatum apparve c. 1080–c. 1200, l'opus saracinescum era più tipico nel XIII e XIV secolo. Le tecniche murarie erano a volte relative alla funzione di un edificio—chiesa, palazzo, monastero, torre o casa, oppure al fatto che il muro fosse nelle fondamenta o sopra il livello del terreno.

In questo articolo l'autore riesamina l'opera di M. E. Avagnina, V. Garibaldi e D. Salterini, ‘Strutture murarie degli edifici religiosi di Roma nel XII secolo’, Rivista dell'Istituto Nazionale d'Archeologia e Storia dell'Arte, XXIII–XXIV (1976–77) 173 sgg. Nella Tabella II sono riassunte le informazioni contenute in tale opera. Le osservazioni dell'autore si trovano nella Tabella I. Le techniche murarie qui discusse e il loro uso nella Roma medievale sono illustrate alla Tabella III.

The churches in Rome built between the end of the eighth and the middle of the ninth century are among the best preserved monuments of the Carolingian era anywhere in Europe. As such, they have afforded scholars the rare opportunity to study in detail the various media utilised in Carolingian church decoration. The floor pavement, however, is an aspect of this decoration that has received little attention and it is my purpose here to point out the presence of a small but distinct group of opus sectile floors in Rome that seem to belong to this period.

Of the Carolingian churches in Rome, S. Prassede, built for Pope Paschal I (817–824), is by far the most complete in its structural fabric, architectural sculpture and mosaic decoration. The best preserved part of the church is the S. Zeno chapel adjoining the right aisle, and the opus sectile pavement of this chapel is perhaps the most luxurious in our series. Indeed, it is the only one to have received previous notice, beginning with its publication by R. Cattaneo in 1890.

Anglona is the site of a prehistoric, Hellenistic and medieval settlement overlooking the Ionian Sea, 60 km. south-west of Taranto (Fig. 1). In 1965 we carried out a short trial excavation at Anglona on behalf of the Soprintendenza alle Antichità for Lucania. The excavation was of an exploratory nature. The site has since been excavated on a larger scale by the German Archaeological Institute, but the results obtained by ourselves were sufficient to call for a brief report. Anglona is a hilltop site which today supports only one standing monument, a twelfth-century church.

However, it has long been known that a medieval settlement existed here and it is thought that the site was also that of Hellenistic Pandosia. Before excavation began, surface finds suggested that the site was also occupied in the prehistoric period. The suspicion was confirmed by the discovery of abundant Late Bronze or Early Iron Age material in securely stratified deposits.

Anglona is situated on a long narrow ridge which runs down to the coast, 12 km. to the east. The topography of the region falls into three distinct zones, each roughly parallel to the coast. Nearest the sea is a low coastal strip, up to 7 km. wide, composed of fossil dunes and alluvium. Behind the strip lies a zone of eroded sand and gravel hills. The loosely cemented deposits weather rapidly, creating low cliffs and steep-sided ravines. Finally, behind the hills, is the mountainous hinterland of Basilicata. Within the space of only 30 km., between Metaponto and Siri, no fewer than five rivers enter the Ionian Sea. The rivers drain a large area of Basilicata and, although sluggish today, at times of increased rainfall they carried a considerable volume of water. The rivers have cut broad valleys through the gravel hills, leaving a series of irregular ridges running at right angles to the coast.

My subject in this paper is the familiar one of the impact of civilised on uncivilised in the widest extension of Minoan and Mycenaean civilisation. In dealing with the earliest relations between the Aegean and Italy, I do not propose to discuss the parallels which have been drawn between the Neolithic and Early Bronze Age pottery of the two sides of the Adriatic. The unquestioned likenesses may be due to sharing a common heritage, and do not prove direct contact between the two areas.

Probably as early as the Middle Minoan I period, at the end of the third millennium, Minoan navigators occasionally reached Sicily. The earliest Cretan objects in the West are sporadic, and may have passed from hand to hand. But from the close of the Early Minoan period liparite is found regularly in Crete, and it is natural to suppose that the Cretans, went to the Lipari Islands to get it. It is suggested also that tin, which from the same period was increasingly used in alloying copper, was brought from the Western Mediterranean. On the other side, there are many Sicilian II swords and daggers which imitate L.M.I. types. Most of these cannot be so old as their prototypes. Though there are no weapons in Sicily which are certainly Minoan, it is clear that Minoan swords must have been imported, and served as models for a Siculan type which had a long currency.

Una grande collezione di monete romane proveniente dagli scavi del Palatino e del Foro Romano è stata conservata per molti anni nell'Antiquarium del Foro. Queste monete sono state ripulite e, per quanto possibile, identificate; l'articolo offre un elenco delle monete identificate e un commento sui punti interessanti. Un breve esame dei gruppi e della loro diversa composizione ci permette di fare una distinzione tra i depositi in generale che si accumularono durante il periodo romano e molti depositi che sembrano rappresentare lo smarrimento di monete intorno all'anno 400 d.C. Le monete completamente decifrabili sono presentate zecca per zecca e in brevi periodi cronologici in modo che in seguito si possa fare il paragone con altre collezioni mediterranee.

The available evidence concerning the history of the Extortion Court, the quaestio repetundarum, at Rome is tabulated opposite page 114. In view of the bulk of this evidence, it is at first sight surprising that this should be one of the most confused chapters of Roman history. Indeed, it is improbable that all Roman historians would agree upon any more precise statement of certainty than the following: that C. Gracchus, whether by a lex Sempronia iudiciaria, or by a lex Sempronia de repetundis, or by a lex Acilia de repetundis which may, or may not, be reproduced in the lex repetundarum, fragments of which are preserved at Naples and at Vienna (CIL i, 583), established equites (selected either from owners and past owners, within certain age limits, of the equus publicus, or from all those who possessed the equestrian census) either in place of, or in association with, senators as jurors in the quaestio de repetundis; that Q. Servilius Caepio, probably in his consulship in 106 B.C., proposed, and perhaps carried, a judiciary law in the interest of the Senate; that C. Servilius Glaucia either in m (Mommsen), 108 (Carcopino) 104 (Last) or 101 B.C. (Niccolini) carried a lex repetundarum and perhaps other judiciary laws in which he possibly either gave for the first time, or restored, to the equites complete possession of the juries and certainly effected two reforms in procedure, (a) by legalising the prosecution not only of recent magistrates and pro-magistrates, but also of their accomplices and (b) by introducing the form of ‘double action’ known as comperendinatio; that M. Livius Drusus, as tribune in 91 B.C., endeavoured unsuccessfully to establish, or to re-establish, as the case may be, mixed juries of senators and equites, and to make equestrian as well as senatorial jurors liable to prosecution for accepting bribes; that in 89 B.C. by a lex Plautia of the tribune M. Plautius Silvanus mixed juries were established, certainly for trials of maiestas, and perhaps for repetundae too. After this, the way is clearer, Sulla re-established senatorial juries, which survived until 70 B.C., when, by the lex Aurelia, jurors were selected from three panels—from senators, equites and tribuni aerarii.

Because there exists no complete survey or accurate record of the important ruin of Roman date commonly known as the Stoa of Hadrian, it has seemed worth while to make a detailed examination and conjectural reconstruction of the remains in order to settle, if possible, the still disputed question of identity and, with the aid of relevant literary material, to throw further light on the purpose and history of the structure.

The ruin in question lies in the lower part of the modern town at the foot of the northern slope of the Acropolis and slightly to the north of the Roman Agora and the Gateway of Athena Archegetis. Between the streets of Ares and Aeolus lofty walls, in part preserved, enclose on three sides a rectangular space, half of which has been excavated, revealing the foundations of an internal colonnade or stoa and various rooms, while the remainder is occupied by roads, houses, shops, barracks and a military prison. The wall on the fourth or southern side is unexcavated, but it is evident from the disposition of those now visible that the building was symmetrical about an axis running approximately east and west. The only entrance to the enclosure was in the west wall, which was of marble and decorated with columns of the Corinthian order. Of this façade only the northern half and one column of the entrance portico are now visible. On the north, east, and doubtless on the south, the area was enclosed by blank, rusticated walls of limestone.

From antiquity down to the present century the shores of the Greater Syrtis (the modern Gulf of Sidra) have had the ill fame of constituting the most desolate and inhospitable part of the Mediterranean seaboard. Absence of landmarks, scarcity of water, and abundance of venomous serpents are all attested by the ancient writers, who spared no pains to paint as terrifying a picture as possible of this unhappy region. The child-devouring Lamia did well to select as her residence a cave in this very area, somewhere not far west of Automalax.

Yet where horror is greatest there will heroism shine the most brightly, and we may recall that the Syrtic Gulf was the scene not only of the epic marches of Ophellas and of the younger Cato, but also of the supreme sacrifice of the Philaeni brothers, who gave their lives to secure for Carthage a favourable eastern frontier against the rival claims of Cyrene, and whose tombs later served to mark the political and cultural boundary between the eastern and western halves of the Roman Empire.

Questo articolo tratta di uno scavo di due chiese basilicali del paese di Latrun sulla costa della Cirenaica, Libia. Latrun è identificato come 1′ ‘Erythron’ del 2° secolo d.C. menzionato dal geografo Tolomeo e come la sede di un vescovo da almeno l'inizio del 5° secolo. Le due chiese quasi identiche nella forma, sono insolite in Cirenaica per l'elevazione delle loro gallerie e per materiali d'importazione quali le basi di marmo delle colonne, fusti, capitelli e blocchi di imposte. La forma è derivata da un prototipo di Costantinopoli del 5° secolo ed è solo leggermente modificata per rispondere alle esigenze locali fino alla trasformazione della chiesa più grande, la cattedrale propriamente detta, in un castrum. Le chiese più piccole contenevano tombe disturbate e senza dubbio la tomba di un martire. La data proposta per le chiese è il 500 sulla base di una datazione accettata per il tipo di pianta, lo sviluppo generale delle strutture delle chiese in Cirenaica, il carattere stilistico dei rivestimenti di marmo, e la storia politica e religiosa della regione. Inoltre l'autore specula sulla possibilità di mecenatismo imperiale, partecipazione nella controversia tra Ortodossi e Monofisiti e l'esistenza del culto di un martire di grande importanza a Latrun.

Quest'articolo indaga le origini del ducato di Gaeta durante il nono e l'inizio del decimo secolo, e la presa del potere sul territorio da parte del casato di Docibilis I. Viene messo in risalto come le fortune di questo casato fossero strettamente legate alla amicizia delle altre famiglie nobili abitanti nell'area; viene inoltre tracciata la storia di alcune di queste famiglie usando vari metodi per la ricostruzione delle loro genealogie. Le conclusioni qui raggiunte sono che Docibilis e il suo casato, mentre cercavano di sostituire la vecchia nobiltà con un proprio circolo aristocratico, non poterono superare la loro inferiorità di nascita, e furono infine estromessi dal potere poichè non poterono fare affidamento sull'appoggio delle famiglie intorno a loro.

In questo articolo si studia il rapporto tra l'economia e l'ambiente nell'Italia nord-orientale dal Bronzo Iniziale al Bronzo Finale. Viene presentata una ricostruzione dell'ambiente nel II millennio a.C, basata soprattutto sui risultati dell'analisi del polline. Viene proposto un modello che prevede il rapporto tra l'economia e l'ambiente (nel presupposto che l'economia sia completamente determinata dall'ambiente). Viene posto l'accento sugli effetti del cambiamento del clima e sulle distinzioni ambientali, topografiche e vegetazionali tra le diverse regioni della zona oggetto di studio. I dati archeologici vengono esaminati e raffrontati a questo modello. È chiaro che il rapporto tra l'economia e l'ambiente è cambiato nel tempo. Nell'età del bronzo Iniziale il sistema ambientale aveva un influsso determinante sui sistema economico. Tuttavia, verso l'età del Bronzo Finale o durante questa, qualche altro sistema deve aver assunto un maggiore significato nella determinazione dell'economia, o il sistema economico stesso deve essere diventato più forte. Si possono anche notare differenze ne ruolo dell'ambiente tra le cinque zone geografiche definite. In breve, il rapporto tra l'economia e l'ambiente era complesso — si possono osservare variazioni nel tempo e nello spazio.

Stratum III occurred in the Triangle, the two St trenches, in the Annexe, in the Funerary Cleft, and in the entrance of the main cavern. In the back of the main cavern it began at a depth of about 1·25 m. below the surface, and had an average depth of about 1.25 m., which is as extensive as stratum II and I together. In the Annexe it continued to 4·50 m. In the main cavern, stratum III was a compact mixture of sherds with lightly coloured soil, mostly sand, ashes, and disintegrated limestone. Among the very numerous sherds we found some handmills, bone tools, spindle whorls, and loom-weights, but only one formless piece of metal, apart from what was buried with the dead, though there were plenty of whetstones. The only recognisable features among this amorphous mass were the hearths. They had been built of clay, which must have come from somewhere outside the cavern, laid carefully over a layer of pebbles. This indicates that they were not used merely once to serve a casual need, and confirms the use of Manaccora as a dwelling place. Several hearths existed at the same time, which makes it likely that more than one family made use of the cavern. That would account for the quantity of material found, and would be in keeping with modern usage of Monte Gargano, where to live in a cave is still quite common. A smaller cave adjoining Manaccora was inhabited during our excavation.

This article offers an analysis of the preparation, publication and reception of the two separate versions of William Gell's Pompeiana, texts that exercised a formative influence over Victorian understanding of not just Roman Pompeii, but of domestic Roman life more broadly throughout the nineteenth century, and that highlight a transition from eighteenth-century antiquarianism to a more ‘archaeological’ approach to the past in the nineteenth century. Using unpublished correspondence that has been overlooked by other scholarship on Gell, it argues that the form and content of the volumes responded to both contemporary fascination with the history of domestic life and the need for an affordable volume on Pompeii. But the volumes also reflected many of Gell's more personal interests, developed in a career of travelling in Greece, Asia Minor and Spain, and were a product of his circumstances: they were conceived in order that Gell (and his coadjutor John Peter Gandy in the first edition) might earn much-needed additional income, and were a means through which Gell could consolidate his social position in Naples by establishing his authoritative expertise on Pompeii.

In September, 1947, whilst digging trenches for the laying of the foundations of a building in the field known as ‘ta Trapna iz-Zghira’, in the parish of Zebbug (Ref. 394228 on the standard 2-inch map of Malta), five early tombs were discovered. The workmen, not appreciating the importance of the discovery, cut a trench 2 feet wide through the middle of two of these burials, thus partially destroying the deposit. Further destruction was prevented by Mr. Ian Small, Civil Engineer of H.M. Dockyard, who stopped the work and reported the discovery to the Museum; and on inspection of the site it immediately became apparent that we were dealing with tombs of a type hitherto unrecorded. The excavation of these remains was conducted with the fullest care to secure adequate records and ensure the recovery of all the archaeological material.

The tombs were five in number, irregularly disposed within an area of 50 sq. yards (Fig. 1). They all exhibited more or less the same features. Each tomb consisted of a saucer-shaped cavity roughly cut in the rock-bed, which at this point is the soft, white, Middle Globigerina Limestone and which underlies about 2 ft. of field soil. The diameter of the tombs averaged about 6 ft., and they attained a depth of about 2 ft. at the centre. A single layer of flat, roughly chipped slabs, derived from the local rock-bed, was used to pave the tomb floor. These slabs, about 4 in. in thickness and 10 in. in width, varied in length from 6 in. to 2 ft. 3 in. Overlying the slabs there was a layer of marl, about 6 in. in thickness, in which were embedded human skeletal remains, mostly in a fragmentary state and in utter disorder.