Mit dem Erscheinen des Greek New Testament 1966 gleichzeitig in New York, London, Edinburgh, Amsterdam und Stuttgart (GNT) zeichnete sich bereits das Bemühen ab, einen Standardtext zu erstellen, der für die exegetische Arbeit die Grundlage bieten soll. Dieses Bemühen wurde von dem internationalen Komitee unter der Federföhrung von K. Aland weitergeführt und brachte mit der 3. Auflage (GNT) 1975 und der 26. völlig neu bearbeiteten Auflage des seit 1898 eingeführten Nestle Textes (N26) den Abschluß, der textkritischen Arbeit des Komitees. Der Fortschritt nicht nur in der Textgestaltung, sondern ebenso in der Qualität des gebotenen Textes ist unübersehbar. Neu gefundene Zeugen, vor allem Papyri, wie eine bessere Kollationierung der vorhandenen haben uns dem Urtext sicher ein erhebliches Stück näher gebracht. Es muß jedoch einerseits gefragt werden, ob es berechtigt ist, diesen Text nunmehr als Standardtext in den Rangeines neuen textus receptus zu erheben, der allen Konkordanzen und Wörterbüchern, allen Übersetzungen und Kommentaren den verbindlichen Maßstab setzt. Zum anderen ist zu fragen, ob das Prinzip des Komitees, die mithilfe des Computers erfolgte Kollationierung der zahlreichen Minuskeln für den Text wenn nicht bestimmend, so doch wesentlich entscheidend sein zu lassen, textkritisch gerechtfertigt ist.

Le texte d'Habacuc (ii. 4.): ó δίκαιος έκ πίστεως ήσεται semble avoir joué un grand role dans la réflexion théologique de saint Paul: it apparaît d'abord en Gal. iii. 11, puis en Rom. i. 17; et les deux fois comme une sorte de résumé de la doctrine paulinienne sur la foi. C'est à déterminer son importance pour l'intelligence de Rom. i-viii qu'est consacrée la présente monographie.

Matt 5. 27–32, from the Sermon on the Mount, and Mark 9. 42–10.12 are passages that contain similar material, although neither is directly dependent on the other. Both have sayings that deal with ‘offences’ caused by certain body members (the verb used is σκανδαλίζω), and both contain a version of Jesus' prohibition of divorce. Between these two passages and a third, b. Nid. 13b, from the Babylonian Talmud, there also exist several similarities. Despite this intriguing configuration of materials, which might indicate that all three passages are dependent on a common set of traditions, scholars have approached these texts from a very different perspective. Those who posit a connection between the synoptic and the rabbinic materials do so only with respect to Matt 5, never Mark 9; and several scholars have instead sought parallels to the synoptic passages in Hellenistic gnomic literature, disregarding or ignoring the rabbinic material altogether. In the present study I intend to challenge the validity of these approaches and propose that there is indeed a common set of traditions to which all three of these texts are indebted. I will begin my investigation by highlighting three peculiarities of Mark 9. 42–48, and then posit a relation between this passage and b. Nid. 13b. Following this I will bring the material from Matt 5. 27–32 and Mark 9. 49–10. 12 into consideration. One of the results of this study, as I shall explain more thoroughly in the conclusion, will be the identification of a discussion on male sexuality that took place in Jewish and Christian circles sometime in the middle of the first century C.E

In view of some ‘Pauline’ sounding phrases, Eph 2.8-9 is held to be one of the most adequate receptions of the theologoumenon of justification by faith, not works. So could the text be an indicator in the discussion about the right ‘Perspective on Paul’? This paper argues instead that we should read Eph 2.8-9 in its own context and that means first of all that we should follow the flow of the dominant metaphor of ‘dead and alive’. While some phrases might be a Pauline reminiscence, the text as a whole deals with the grace of God in order to substantiate the demand for a life lived according to God's will, as described in greater detail in Ephesians 4–6. Nevertheless Eph 2.1-10 is broadly coherent with Paul's theology.

Since 1950, studies of Luke–Acts have been influenced by a downgrading of eschatology (at least of the expectation that the goal of history would be near). Conzelmann's slogan ‘Die Mitte der Zeit’ (the earthly mission of Jesus as the ‘centre of history’) suggested a long ‘time of the Church’ with the gift(s) of the Holy Spirit as a substitute (and not a foretaste) of the kingdom of God. The present study challenges this influential view of Luke's theology and its impact on definitions of the genre of Acts.

Is Rom 12.4–8 to be read as one sentence or as two sentences – do verses 12.6–8 form a different sentence from Rom 12.4–5, or does the sentence begun in v. 4 continue all the way through to the end of v. 8? One initial difficulty when considering this problem is that grammarians and commentators discussing this issue usually comment on one or two (or none) of the seven or so pertinent issues in the passage and then offer their opinion as to whether this is one sentence or two. Romans 12.4–8, however, features a number of difficult issues that must be held together in order to arrive at an adequate understanding of what Paul intends. The goal of this short study is to consider each of these issues and to argue that a one-sentence reading is the most satisfying option.

Les premiers chrétiens recoururent aux noms et aux nombres pour organiser leur pensée théologique. Ce faisant, ils poursuivaient une habitude ancrée aussi bien dans la réflexion philosophique grecque que dans les Écritures hébraïques. Sans développer une ontologie du langage, ils articulaient les mots et les chiffres sur la réalité, laissant à Dieu la responsabilité des équivalences. Le nom de Dieu et le nom de Jésus constituaient, à leurs yeux, le noyau de leur confession de foi.

The literary status of 1 Cor 5–7 is diversely considered in scholarly literature. Sometimes these chapters are seen as a stand-alone part of the letter, sometimes they are divided in separate blocks, chapters 5–6 on the one hand and chapter 7 on the other. However, an original approach that pays close attention to the structure of the text makes it possible to show the neat architecture of this larger textual unit. The concentric structure of the three chapters (A–B–A’) highlights their literary unity and stresses the significance of the central chapter, which correspondingly possesses the greatest theological density of the whole section.

This article describes how the writers of the Hodayot understand Gen 2.7 as describing an anthropological crisis: the human is formed from the dust and wasting away. Drawing on Ezekiel 37, the hymnists maintain that this crisis is overcome by God imparting his Spirit. This understanding of Gen 2.7 is used to illuminate Paul's argument in 1 Corinthians 15. Paul likewise reads Gen 2.7 as a description of an anthropological problem, and he finds the solution in Ezekiel 37. Yet, he introduces his own twist so that Gen 2.7 comes to express both the crisis and the solution.

Reading Jesus’ conception and genealogy in the context of claims about Augustus brings clarity to the perplexing identification of Adam as God's offspring (Luke 3.38). Jesus was fathered by God's spirit (1.35), as was his ancestor Adam (through Joseph). Likewise, some claimed Augustus was fathered by Apollo and that his ancestor Aeneas (through adoption by Julius Caesar) was the offspring of Aphrodite/Venus. This comparison suggests that Jesus is comparable to Augustus and that Jesus’ kingdom of God is comparable to Augustus’ Golden Age. Moreover, the logical force of these parallels favours the inferring of Joseph's adoption of Jesus in Luke.

Building on the research done by E. J. Epp, B. D. Ehrman situates the origin of the ancestor of the text of Codex Bezae in an anti-Semitic milieu, which would explain the anti-Judaic tendencies of that text. This localisation of the ideological discourse in a specific milieu characterized by a negative stance toward the Jewish people on ethnic grounds seems to rest on the assumption that the text was produced by a non-Jewish Christian. The goal of the present contribution is to test this assumption as it relates to the text of the Acts of the Apostles in the Codex Bezae. With the aid of the concept of ethnicity, and especially the idea of common ancestry, we aim to discover how this text, compared to the text of Codex Vaticanus, depicts the relation of ethnic identity with the Jewish people. Contrary to what might be expected from Ehrman's suggestion, the text of Acts in Codex Bezae emphasizes the indicators of Jewish ethnic identity.

Building on the works of Richard Bauckham and Tal Ilan, this paper argues that the name Cleophas in Luke 24.18 (Gk Κλεοπᾶς) and Clopas (Gk Κλωπᾶς) in John 19.25 points to the same historical person, the father of a key leader of the Jerusalem church at the end of the first century. By making anew this assumption we have a possible access to Luke's redactional and theological work in the Emmaus narrative. Even if the whole passage is governed by Luke's literary skills and theological interests, it does have traditional support in the legitimation story that Jesus had indeed appeared to Cleophas. Luke's choice of that name is doubly smart: it highlights the respect the Pauline churches have for the Judean churches in the spirit of Rom 9–11 and establishes the legitimacy of his own sophisticated narrative through a known Judean Christian.

An approach to Gospel narratives that treats them as realistically depicted stories and emphasises the way their details function within the time-of-Jesus scenes they portray yields substantial exegetical results. Alternative approaches such as allegorical reading, focus on theological words, and the pursuit of intra-Gospel allusions sometimes stand in tension with this kind of concrete reading, and can distract interpreters from attending to surface-level scenes and details. The value of concrete reading and the effects of alternative approaches may be seen through examining several texts: the Nicodemus narratives of John; Mark 8.22–6; John 1.35–9; Mark 14.38; and John 21.15–17.

The conclusion to the parable of the tenants in Mark (12.1b–9) involves the vineyard owner killing the refractory tenants and re-letting his vineyard to others. In legal terms the man employs ‘self-help’ – the satisfaction of a real or pretended claim without the permission of the defendant or the intervention of a court. Most advocates of a metaphorical approach to the parable (Pesch, Snodgrass, Evans, Hultgren), and some who argue that Jesus spoke in realistic fiction, have argued or assumed that Mark 12.9 is an original part of the parable, believing it to be a ‘realistic’ element of Mark's story. But an examination of Greek, Roman, Graeco-Egyptian, and biblical legal rulings indicates that resorts to self-help were discouraged and even criminalized in this period. Mark 12.9 is not a realistic component of the parable, but is part of its secondary allegorization.

The Epistle of James is not commonly seen in relation to early Christian common meals. At the same time, the work is preoccupied with the common life of an early Christian community, which in turn was, generally speaking, closely related to the way in which it celebrated its meals. In other words, ethics, ecclesiology, and etiquette were closely related. Based on this consideration, this essay attempts to relate aspects of the epistle to symposiastic conventions as they were known in the first-century Mediterranean world.

Comment l'identité narrative de Jésus se décline-t-elle dans l'évangile selon Marc? La question est traitée en quatre étapes, à commencer par un examen de l'impact christologique des limites du récit marcien, son prologue et sa finale suspendue. Dans un deuxième temps, l'attention se porte sur le développement de l'intrigue de situation à partir des actions du protagoniste et des réactions qu'elles suscitent. En troisième lieu, l'intrigue de révélation et l'évolution des manières de désigner Jésus est analysée. Enfin, sous mode de synthèse, l'hypothèse est avancée d'une christologie ‘mystique’ de Marc, hypothèse préférée à la théorie devenue classique du secret messianique.

The logion of Matt 11.27 (// Luke 10.22) – ‘All things have been handed over to me by my Father; and no one knows the Son except the Father, and no one knows the Father except the Son and anyone to whom the Son chooses to reveal him’ – has long been considered a ‘Johannine meteorite in the Synoptic sky’ and, after fierce exegetical battles, a sort of ‘foreign body’ in both Matthean and Lukan theological projects. This paper intends to question this assumption on the basis of recent works both on the historical Jesus and on Synoptic theology. It suggests that this verse not only fits very well with the theological and literary project of the Synoptics’ authors but can also shed some light on Jesus’ theology of creation. The way Jesus articulates his own special relationship to ‘his father’ with the human relationship of God's children to ‘their father’ is coherent with the theology implied by this logion.

How did Paul preach during his initial missionary visits? An analysis of Galatians' explicit and implicit references to Paul's original preaching shows that there he had initially ignored the Law, and probably had little to say about community order and conduct. The analysis also sheds some light on subsequent events. Apparently the Jewish Christian missionaries who followed Paul compromised on their own observance of the Law, joining the Gentile Christians at meals (as Peter had done at Antioch); they did not understand Paul's position on the Law and did not attack him directly.

The presence or absence of references to Paul's collection can be a valuable aid in determining the relative chronology of the various Pauline letters. This is particularly true of Galatians if recent commentaries are correct in seeing no evidence in Gal 2.10 that Paul was then actually engaged in raising the collection, and if that agreement did not lead directly to his collection. Also suggestive, but puzzling, are the varied references to the churches taking part in the collection at different points in time, which seem to reflect the often turbulent relations between Paul and his churches.