The study examined the transition to purposive use of intonation with single words for two children. Contrary to Bloom's (1973) claim of no systematic use of intonation in the one-word period, purposive use of rising tones was demonstrated in the context of indicating interest and naming objects. One child, by 1;3, clearly used rising tones to ask ‘legitimate’ questions in which the content of the replies mattered. If an informative response was not given he repeated his question accentuating the rising tone. The other child also sought informative replies, although this could only be established at 1;6. In addition, by 1;5 both children demonstrated widespread grammatical use of intonation in which a word was combined with distinct intonations to indicate a meaning distinction equivalent to one made by the grammar of the language. There were, however, earlier developments that presaged the way, so that the transition to grammatical use of intonation was gradual.

The use of locative prepositions by Hebrew-speaking children aged 2; 0–3; 0, was investigated in a cross-sectional study. Thirty kibbutz children served as subjects. The spontaneous utterances of each child were analyzed and scored for the frequency with which the child supplied obligatory contexts for locative expressions as well as for appropriate use. The findings suggest the following order of acquisition: be- ‘in’; le- ‘to’; le+ pronominal suffixes ‘to’ (dative); al ‘on’; le ‘to’ (directional); mi- ‘from’; al-yad ‘beside’; meaxorey ‘behind’; mitaxat le- ‘under’. The role of formal linguistic complexity in determining that order is discussed. Special reference is made to the contrast between enclitic prefix prepositions and separate word prepositions that express the same locative notions.

Two studies examined the role of phonological cues in the lexical categorization of new words when children could also rely on learning by exclusion and whether the role of phonology depends on extensive experience with a language. Phonological cues were assessed via phonological typicality – an aggregate measure of the relationship between the phonology of a word and the phonology of words in the same lexical class. Experiment 1 showed that when monolingual English-speaking seven-year-olds could rely on learning by exclusion, phonological typicality only affected their initial inferences about the words. Consistent with recent computational analyses, phonological cues had stronger impact on the processing of verb-like than noun-like items. Experiment 2 revealed an impact of French on the performance of seven-year-olds in French immersion when tested in a French language environment. Thus, phonological knowledge may affect lexical categorization even in the absence of extensive experience.

Previous research suggests that increased second language (L2) input at home may not support L2 acquisition in children from migrant backgrounds. In drawing this conclusion, existing work has largely aggregated across family members. This study contrasts the effect of L2 input from older siblings with that from mothers. Participants were 113 child L2 learners of English (mean age = 5;10 [range 4;10–7;2]; mean exposure to L2 in school = 16.7 months [range 2–48 months]). All children had at least one older sibling. Using hierarchical linear regression modelling with controls for age, non-verbal reasoning and phonological short-term memory, we found that greater L2 input from siblings – but not mothers – was associated with stronger L2 abilities in narrative macrostructure, inflectional morphology, and vocabulary. Increased cumulative exposure to the L2 at school and greater maternal L2 fluency were also positively related to children's L2 inflectional morphology and vocabulary scores.

Developing knowledge of the vehicle, animal, and fruit categories was traced in six children from 1; 0 to 1; 8. Data from mothers' language diaries and from bi-monthly sessions with the children were pooled to analyse the growth, content, and internal structure of the three categories over time. The children developed some grasp of most of the focal concepts in each category, but they made fewer differentiations than adults do. Overextension of a single concept term to encompass a cluster of related referents was common. The frequent discrepancies between comprehension and production of concept terms highlighted the importance of examining both modes. The data showed marked individual differences in style of category acquisition.

The precise function of imitation in children's speech is still debated. Two hypotheses have been offered that focus on either the progressive nature of imitation to aid in the language acquisition process or the social, conversational role played by imitation in discourse. Support for these positions was sought in the imitations within the speech of a single child at ages 2; 8 and 3; 0. Evidence is presented for both roles of imitation in language acquisition. First, imitation aids in limiting the complexity (MLU) of the language environment. The effects of imitation in this role are compared and contrasted to the effects of the child's productions of what? Also, forms may appear in imitation prior to their appearance in spontaneous speech. A model is proposed in which imitation and what?-responses are overlapping phases of language acquisition which occur prior to spontaneous production of a given form.

The production of third-person /s/ on English verbs seems to be ahead of comprehension. Mainstream American English (MAE) is contrasted with African American English (AAE), in which /s/ is rarely supplied. Two studies explored what information children get solely from /s/ on the end of a verb. Sixty-five MAE- and 65 AAE-speaking four- to seven-year-olds participated in one of two experimental picture-choice comprehension studies. Neither group of four-year-olds could use the /s/ to determine if the event was generic rather than past tense on a verb (e.g. cuts/cut), or whether it was a verb or a noun compound as in The penguin dresses/The penguin dress. MAE-speakers do not use the information in third-person /s/ alone until age five, and not reliably until age six years. In keeping with AAE production, AAE-speaking children do not use the information in /s/ at all in this age range.

Parents' object labels can be distinguished by whether the child is already attending to the object (follow-in) or not (lead-in). Lead-in labels have been found to be associated with low vocabulary. The current study examines whether the relation between lead-in labels and child vocabulary is influenced by whether the child's attention is redirected. Eighteen mother–infant dyads were videotaped at 1 ; 2, 1 ; 6 and 1 ; 10. Results indicate that parents' use of successful lead-in labels is positively correlated with children's vocabulary, whereas use of unsuccessful labels is negatively correlated. Finally, use of gesture is associated with the redirective success of lead-in labels.

The production of voice-onset time (VOT) was studied in a group of Spanish- and English-learning subjects at 1 and 2 years of age. Voice-onset time of initial stop consonants from canonical utterances was measured oscillographically. At one year no significant difference in VOT production was found between Spanish and English learners at any place of articulation. Mean VOT values for infants fell in the short lag range. By two years, four of the seven children in the English group and four of the children in the Spanish group showed significant evidence of having acquired the VOT distinction in stop consonants appropriate for their native language.

The present studies investigated children's use of verb inflections to guide their initial mapping of verb meanings. Given that children initially apply the progressive -ing inflection to verbs denoting actions and the past -ed inflection to verbs denoting results of events, two studies were conducted to investigate whether children use these inflections during mapping of novel verb meanings. In both studies, subjects were taught novel verbs and were asked to extend those verbs to events in which the action or result differed from events used to teach the verbs. It was predicted that subjects would be less likely to extend verbs inflected with -ing to events with new actions and would be less likely to extend verbs inflected with -ed to events with new results. Eighteeen three- and five-year-olds and 24 adults participated in Experiment 1 in a between-subjects design that produced weak effects for the youngest subjects tested. Experiment 2 tested 16 three-year-olds and 19 five-year-olds in a within-subjects design and produced the predicted effect for three-year-olds, but not for five-year-olds. The findings are discussed in terms of their implications for early verb learning and regarding the use of the bootstrapping construct in language acquisition research.

This longitudinal study including 87 infant–mother dyads examined the relation between infant temperamental attention, maternal encouragement of attention, language, and the effects of gender. At ages 0;4, 0;8, and 1;0, global attention was assessed from Rothbart's (1981) IBQ; manipulative exploration was assessed with the Bayley (1969) IBR; and maternal verbal, visual and physical encouragement of attention were coded from 5 minutes of mother–infant free-play. At 1;0, language was measured using language items from the Bayley Mental Scale and parent-report items from Hendrick, Prather & Tobin's (1984) SICD-Revised. Multiple regressions indicated that gender, infants’ manipulative exploration and maternal physical encouragement of attention at 0;4, and maternal verbal encouragement of attention at 1;0, were all positively related to language at 1;0. Interactions indicated that girls high in 0;8 or 1;0 manipulative exploration had more advanced language skills than girls low in manipulative exploration or than boys, regardless of their attention level. Additionally, maternal verbal encouragement of attention appears to be particularly salient in the development of language for boys.

The ability of children aged 0;1 to 2;6 to initiate and maintain topics of conversation is explored using videotaped data of mother–child interaction collected at home. An analysis of both verbal and non-verbal behaviours suggests that initially children attract attention exclusively to themselves as topics of conversation. The emergence of manipulative skills from 0; 5 and the development of deictic gestures from around the end of the first year facilitate the initiation of topics concerned with items in the physical environment. Finally, with the development of language, reference to intangibles becomes possible. In maintaining topics, children are initially capable of extended sequences only within the context of routines, but by 2;6 are able to maintain coherent topics independently. The implications of the analysis presented for understanding the role of prelinguistic communication in language development are discussed against the background of a modular framework.

Research has shown that observing iconic gestures helps typically developing children (TD) and children with specific language impairment (SLI) learn new words. So far, studies mostly compared word learning with and without gestures. The present study investigated word learning under two gesture conditions in children with and without language impairment. Twenty children with SLI (age four), twenty age-matched TD children, and twenty language-matched TD children were taught words that were presented with either iconic or non-iconic gestures. Results showed that children of all groups benefited more successfully from observing iconic gestures for word learning. The iconic gesture advantage was similar across groups. Thus, observing iconic gestures prompts richer encoding and makes word learning more efficient in TD and language impaired children.

Standard outcome measures used in a referential communication (route finding) task showed that 7-year-olds were inferior to 10-year-olds and adults in terms of adequacy of messages provided (as speakers) and selection of referent (as listeners). Because the task involved negotiation of route directions by telephone, a richer dialogue resulted than is usual in referential communication studies. This made possible an analysis of the strategies used and revealed differences untapped by the standard measures. The types of strategies used (COMPONENTS, NUMBERING, DIRECTIONAL, MINIMAL) varied as a function of age, with the adults using much directional information and the children very little. Much of the younger children's description was either minimal or used inadequately specified mature strategies. Adults frequently used dual strategies (e.g. directional + numbering). Older children showed little evidence of these individually but achieved them, in practice, through dialogue with their partners. Age differences in quantity of communication (number of turns) were found to be linked to strategy use. The advantages of the telephone as an experimental medium of communication are discussed.

This paper investigates the similarities and differences observed in individual approaches to the linguistic organization of narrative. Twenty subjects in each of five age groups (four, six, eight, ten years and adult) were asked to relate a narrative elicited from a picture book. All references to the animate characters in the book were coded for form (nominal/pronominal), and function (switch versus maintenance). Individual analyses of the narratives indicated that a variety of strategies were used across all age groups. Strategies identified included thematic subject, nominal and anaphoric. When the narrative was divided into segments based on the referential load of each segment, it was found that there was an interaction between the strategy adopted in the first segment, the age of the subject and the referential load of subsequent segments. A variety of strategies was adopted by all age groups although there were preferential trends observable within each group. The ability to maintain a strategy across the varying referential load of the narrative increased with age. Five developmental stages were identified from the analysis which enabled certain tentative predictions to be made about the way children approach a complex narrative task, suggesting that children pass through a number of stages which reflect their ability to organize the referential content of the narrative at differing speech levels.

Thirty-six 2- to 3-year-old children were given linguistic and non-linguistic tasks in order to determine whether the words front and back introduce the concept of ‘front–back’ orientation or whether the concept precedes the words. Contrary to prediction, a complex disjunctive concept of ‘front–back’ orientation was found to precede any knowledge of the words front and back. Results of the linguistic task show that the word back is comprehended before front, and further that children at an intermediate state of lexical knowledge interpret front as if it means back.

Maternal directives to children aged 10 and 18 months were analysed with respect to both verbal and concomitant nonverbal aspects. The findings emphasize the multimodal nature of mothers' communicative messages and draw attention to the way in which language occurs in an action context and not as an isolated output. No indication was found for this age range that verbal devices come to replace nonverbal ones. At both ages most utterances were accompanied by some form of nonverbal behaviour; the precise nature of the association, however, gives little support to the idea of parallel coding. The child's own behaviour is also shown to form part of the context in which maternal speech takes place.

This paper explores the concurrent and predictive validity of the long and short forms of the Galician version of the MacArthur-Bates CDI (IDHC). Forty-two Galician-speaking children were longitudinally evaluated at age 1 ; 6, 2 ; 0 and 4 ; 0. On the first two occasions, the subjects' vocabulary and grammar skills were assessed through the IDHC. Simultaneously, lexical and grammatical measures were obtained from spontaneous speech samples. Standardized measures of general cognitive abilities (WPPSI-R) and receptive and expressive language (RDLS-III) were obtained at age 4 ; 0. Results showed high and significant levels of concurrent and short-term validity of the IDHC. Strong associations were found between lexical development at age 2 ; 0 and language scores two years later. These results coincide with those obtained with other CDI versions, and suggest that the IDHC is an effective and reliable tool.

Fifty children between the ages of 3; 0 and 5; 6 were asked six types of wh- questions following videotaped sequences. It is argued that differential difficulty of various forms of who questions supports a parallel model of information retrieval and processing during discourse. The differential difficulty of why and when questions are, however, attributable to a necessary progression in the ability to encode the relevant concepts linguistically. Responses to how questions are difficult because they involve a number of unrelated skills.

Behavioral and neural evidence indicates that young children who engage in more conversations with their parents have better later language skills such as vocabulary and academic language abilities. Previous studies find that the extent to which parents engage in conversational turn-taking with children varies considerably. How, then, can we promote extended conversations between parents and their children? Instead of asking parents to engage in longer turn-taking episodes, we provided parents with information on conversational content that we hypothesized would lead to increased episodes of longer, more sustained conversational turn-taking. Specifically, we found that boosting the frequency of parent-child talk about abstract, non-present concepts – decontextualized language – led to an increase in dyadic conversational turn-taking during home mealtimes several weeks later.