In the past few months the attitudes of France toward Western European unity have been undergoing a perceptible change. Initiative, imagination, and drive have given way to hesitancy, skepticism, and even withdrawal. The change was placed in dramatic focus by the coincidence of the formal opening of the coal and steel pool, which owes its existence in large part to the work of the two Frenchmen, Robert Schuman and Jean Monnet, at the very time the newly created Mayer government was communicating to other interested states its reservations regarding the European Defense Community Treaty, for which French effort is also in large part responsible.

In a communique issued by the Inter-national Tin Council on January 27, 1959, it was announced that the Soviet Union had agreed to limit its tin exports outside the socialist countries to 13,500 tons in 1959, a reduction over the exports in 1958. According to the press, the Council had been in conflict with the Soviet Union over the amount of the latter's exports in 1958, which were believed to have been 18,000 tons. As stated in the communique, the result of the negotiations between the Council and the Soviet Union was no more than an understanding.

It has now become quite axiomatic to say that United States participation in the United Nations system is having an effect upon the substance I of United States foreign policy. What is not so well known as yet is that this participation is the cause for the creation of a new piece of machinery I for aiding the conduct of our foreign policy. Established in 1946 as the United States Delegation to the United Nations, this new outpost of the Department of State illustrates in its organization and operation many of the changes which have come about as bilateral diplomacy has given way to multilateral, “conference-type” United Nations diplomacy. Located at the headquarters of the international organization in New York City, the permanent Mission and its work are symbols of the importance and endless variety of problems posed for American foreign policy by our membership in and support for the United Nations. Since it is still in the process of development, the following study of the organization and role of the United States Mission to the United Nations should be taken as a preliminary analysis.

The 25th meeting of the Caribbean Commission was held in Curacao, November 22–29, 1957–1 The meeting dealt mainly with recommendations made by the West Indian Conference, including consideration of a statement submitted by the conference on the procedure to be followed for the revision of the agreement establishing the Commission. It was decided to recommend to member governments that an ad hoc committee be appointed to make preparations for and facilitate the work of a revision conference proposed for November 1958. The Commission also approved the 1958 budget submitted by the Secretary General, considered the report of the July conference on the demographic problems of the area, approved the work program for the Commission's central secretariat, and noted progress reports on Commission-sponsored technical assistance projects, including aided self-help housing, an agricultural credit survey, a consultant on education and an education clearing house, and fisheries investigations.

Case concerning the Guardianship of an Infant (Netherlands v. Sweden): In an order of April 17, 1958, the International Court of Justice fixed the following timelimits for the filing of further pleadings in the case concerning the guardianship of an infant: for the reply of the government of the Netherlands, June 18, 1958; and for the rejoinder of the government of Sweden, August 28, 1958.

Australia is a nation small and vulnerable enough to need great power guarantees of territorial integrity, yet at the same time strong and stable enough to constitute an asset in any joint undertaking. The quality of being a small power dependent on the support of the great powers Australia shares with the countries of Southeast Asia, and in particular with the Southeast Asian states linked up with the Southeast Asian Treaty Organization (SEATO). But it is less exposed to immediate dangers, is more modern and industrialized than its near-northern neighbors, and hence is also capable of serving as an independent source of strength and of assuming a role somewhat akin to that of the great powers in SEATO. Australia's membership role in SEATO is, in effect, defined by these two basic conditions.

The major international economic institutions established after World War II, such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), had the economic disintegration of the Great Depression as their historical heritage. The lessons learned from that experience were twofold: National governments can and should take an active role in achieving national economic stabilization objectives, and one state's economic policies can and often will work at cross-purposes with those of another. The role of international institutions in such circumstances is to harmonize national policies so that international conflict is avoided.

“We do not want to entrust to five great Powers or to two great Powers the task of deciding … what our common destiny will be…”.

To anyone who attended the great assemblage gathered at San Francisco in 1945 to write the Charter for the United Nations, these words have a familiar ring. Indeed, they might have been uttered (and no doubt were ad nauseam) by small-power representatives during the seemingly interminable debates over the rule of unanimity—the veto—in the Security Council. In fact, these words were spoken in February 1965 by the Mauritanian delegate explaining, on the final day of the “abortive” nineteenth session of the General Assembly, why he voted with Albania in protest against the “basis of consensus” which had governed the session.

The first 1964 meeting of the Ministerial Council of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) took place in Geneva on February 13–14, 1964. Chaired by Dr. Hans Schaffner, Minister of Public Economy in Switzerland, the meeting reviewed all major developments relating to the objectives of EFTA.

Second Session: Shortly before the adjournment of the second session of the ICAO Council, a resolution was unanimously adopted accepting for the permanent organization the responsibilities imposed upon the Provisional International Civil Aviation Organization under the International Agreement on North Atlantic Ocean Weather Stations concluded in London on September 25, 1946. The Council also approved the sending of a technical mission in answer to Iceland's request for financial aid, and authorized the Secretary General (Roper) to assume certain responsibilities for the premises of the International Commission for Air Navigation and for the distribution of its assets. The Council ended its second session on December 12, 1947.

This study examines how the Russian invasion of Ukraine and the subsequent Western responses influence Chinese public opinion on the use of force. Using two original, preregistered online survey experiments, first in June 2022 and then in June 2023, we show that the Russian invasion is associated with a modest but statistically significant increase in Chinese support for using military force in international affairs in general and against Taiwan in particular. However, information on Western military measures aiding Ukraine curbs the modest impact of the invasion. Such information is especially effective in reducing support for an outright military invasion of Taiwan. Causal mediation analyses reveal that the Russian invasion influences public opinion by inducing optimism regarding military success and pessimism regarding peaceful resolution of the conflict. These findings suggest that foreign military aggression and subsequent international countermeasures can sway domestic public opinion on using military force.

“Threat perception” is frequently invoked as a causal variable in theories of international relations and foreign policy decision making. Yet haphazard conceptualization and untested psychological assumptions leave its effects poorly understood. In this article, I propose a unified solution to these two related problems: taking the brain into account. I first show that this approach solves the conceptualization problem by generating two distinct concepts that generalize across existing theories, align with plain language, and are associated with specific brain-level processes: threat-as-danger perception (subjectively apprehending danger from any source) and threat-as-signal perception (detecting a statement of the intention to harm). Because both types of perception occur in the brain, large-scale neuroimaging data capturing these processes offer a way to empirically test some of the psychological assumptions embedded in IR theories. I conduct two such tests using assumptions from the literatures on conflict decision making (“harms are costs”) and on coercion (“intentions are inscrutable”). Based on an original analysis of fifteen coordinate-based meta-analyses comprising 500+ studies and 11,000+ subjects, I conclude that these assumptions are inconsistent with the cumulative evidence about how the brain responds to threats of either kind. Further, I show that brain-level data illuminate aspects of threat perception's impact on behavior that have not yet been integrated into IR theory. Advancing the study of threat perception thus requires a microfoundational approach that builds from what we know about the brain.

This research note reports the findings of a mail survey of higher level Guatemalan civil servants, soliciting their views on the United Nations. The survey was administered in the summer of 1979 for comparison with similar surveys of Norwegian and United States officials undertaken five years earlier, to determine whether experience with international organizations produces attitudes more favorable to international cooperation.

The eleventh annual session of the International Telecommunication Union (ITU) Administrative Council was held in Geneva from April 25 to May 19, 1956 under the chairmanship of Mohamed Nazir Mirza (Pakistan). The Council decided on a tentative program of ITU conferences which included 1) the Plenipotentiary Conference and the Administrative Radio Conference, to be held together in 1959; and 2) the Administrative Telephone and Telegraph Conference, to be held in Geneva toward the end of 1958, with the final dates to be set by the Plenary Assemblies in September and December of 1956.

In his Introduction to the Annual Report of the Secretary-General on the Work of the Organization, 16 June 1966–15 June 1967 Secretary-General U Thant observed that during the period under review the international political situation had deteriorated considerably. The war in Vietnam had progressively intensified, there had been renewed warfare in the Middle East in June 1967, and the situation in Cyprus had not improved. Only limited progress had been made in such areas as disarmament, outer space, economic and social development, decolonization, and human rights. Frustrations in respect of South Africa, South West Africa, and Rhodesia continued, although in the cases of South West Africa and Rhodesia the General Assembly and the Security Council, respectively, had taken certain steps which might help in time to improve the situation