This study presents an econometric model designed to project developments in the current account of the Canadian balance of payments. The exposition of the study is divided into three parts; Part I describes the general structure of the model; Part II contains the complete equation system of the model and summarizes the statistical estimates of the behavioral equations; Part III presents the results of testing the model for the years 1962–64, and the results of a projection made from the model for the current account in 1965.

In the model the trading world is divided into four regions: Canada, the United States, Western Europe, and the rest of the world. Merchandise trade transactions between each of these regions are treated by separate equations, as are non-merchandise trade transactions of Canada with each of the other three regions. The non-merchandise or service transactions are separated by category into expenditures for transportation, travel, interest and dividends, and all other services. Also included in the model are equations for gross national product (GNP), consumption, and inventory investment in Canada, the United States, and Western Europe, as well as equations for export prices in each of the four regions. The specification and structure of the model are based largely on a three-region world trade model of the US current account recently employed by Rhomberg. For purposes of the following discussion, the fifty equations contained in the model are consolidated into twelve general equations. The variables used in the equations are shown below: the subscripts 1, 2, 3, and 4 refer to Canada, the United States, Western Europe, and the rest of the world respectively.

This article analyzes the attempt to offer a contextual or historical justification of political liberalism. This type of justificatory argument for liberal political principles has recently been advanced by John Rawls in a series of essays and by Charles Larmore in his 1987 book entitled Patterns of Moral Complexity. Both Rawls and Larmore argue that this justification for liberal political principles avoids the problems attributed to other forms of liberalism by communitarian theorists. The central theme of this article is that the attempt to ground political liberalism in a contextual argument is incoherent.

According to the central city exploitation thesis, commuting suburban workers, students and shoppers do not adequately compensate the central city for the public sector benefits they enjoy daily. Assessment of the actual cost of the provision of public services to commuters versus their revenue contribution shows that, in the years 1969 to 1980, suburbanites generated more gains than were required to finance the additional operating costs they imposed on the city of Montreal and nearly offset the part of capital expenditures for which they were responsible. However, in terms of the social costs, commuting results in a deficit for the central city due to the predominant use of the automobile as the mode of transport.

Studies on participation concentrate on electoral and partisan phenomena. They fail to deal with participation through advisory bodies. So far, the latter have been considered mainly from a legalist or administrative viewpoint, or from pseudo-philosophical premises. Such studies are a disappointment to the political scientist because they do not take into account the full political dimension of participation and because they do not use a political system as an analytical framework. Without adopting a rigorous system, the present study in its central section aims at showing how the development of consultative devices has affected the relative position of three major internal components of the political system: legislative assemblies, administrations, and governments. In the concluding section, an attempt has been made to show how consultation, if studied properly, would similarly affect most other levels of the political system. A particular emphasis has been placed on establishing the relationships of consultation as a mechanism of political input with two other such mechanisms: interest groups and, particularly, political parties.

The paradox of modern political theory which affirms individual autonomy and simultaneously seeks solid foundations for social belonging is approached here through its emergence in eighteenth-century France: first by a comparative reading of Montesquieu and Rousseau according to the exigencies of suitability and legitimacy of their respective political philosophies; then by an evocation of some of the echoes of their thought in the French Revolution around the themes of the exercise of power, of virtue and of religion.

Division of power and social integration

Explanation of some of the recent challenges to western democracy may be found in a re-examination of Montesquieu's thought. Here we find the theory of the separation of power to be far more complex than is implied in the simple divisions of legislature, executive, and judiciary. For Montesquieu, the separation of power is more a social division than a political or juridical one. He contemplated returning the organs of political power to various social forces, e.g. monarchy, aristocracy, and bourgeoisie, and that then the self-assertion of forces would be restrained by the resistance of other social groups. The realization of its goals would require every important social group to integrate itself both to society and to the state and to seek its goals through realization of the general good.

Since Montesquieu's time, political structures would seem to have been very little changed even though social structures have been greatly altered by the rise of economic powers. Political institutions have been losing touch with the vital forces of society and these have had to find other channels of expression. The personalization of power, the rise of the executive, violence, and increasing paternalism may be viewed as phenomena of compensation by which attempts are being made to bridge the gap between the structures of political power and those of a society which has been restructured.

Revigoration of parliamentary democracy would seem to require that all vital social forces be reintegrated into the political system and be given meaningful channels of political expression. Failure to make such changes opens the way to identification of the political powers with technocracy and the increasing general use of violence in the resolution of social problems.

Varied programmes of research are now commonplace in, or in connection with, the military establishments of most of the larger countries of the world. In the United States, and to some extent in Canada, this is true also of the social sciences. The institutional setting of research is of peculiar interest to sociologists, particularly since rapid and extensive changes have recently been characteristic of military organizations. The main concern of this paper is, therefore, to describe and interpret some of the processes of change observed in the course of the work of the Defence Scientific Service with the Canadian Army during the past five years. A brief introduction notes the recent growth of the Army, the involvement in military affairs of large numbers of scientists, including some social scientists, and suggests the importance of the military as an area for the sociological study of work.