Nevitte, Neil, André Blais, Elisabeth Gidengil and Richard Nadeau. Unsteady State: The 1997 Canadian Federal Election. By Duff Spafford 177

Arend, Sylvie et Christiane Rabier. Le processus politique. Environnement, prise de décision et pouvoir. Par Christine Bout de l'An 178

Cairns, Alan C., John C. Courtney, Peter MacKinnon, Hans J. Michelmann and David E. Smith, eds. Citizenship, Diversity, and Pluralism: Canadian and Comparative Perspectives. By Idil Boran 180

Benoit, William L. Seeing Spots: A Functional Analysis of Presidential Advertisements, 1952-1996. By Richard Jenkins 182

Reichmann, Rebecca, ed. Race in Contemporary Brazil: From Indifference to Inequality. By Ronald Schmidt, Sr. 183

McLaren, Peter. Che Guevara, Paulo Freire, and the Pedagogy of Revolution. By Marco A. Navarro-Génie 184

Laffan, Michael. The Resurrection of Ireland: The Sinn Fein Party 1916-1923. By Gretchen Macmillan 186

Schmitter, Philippe C. How to Democratize the European Union . . . and Why Bother? By Amir Abedi 187

Mandelbaum, Michael, ed. The New European Diasporas: National Minorities and Conflict in Eastern Europe. By Pál Dunay 189

Guibernau, Monserrat. Nations without States: Political Communities in a Global Age. By Margaret Moore 192

Arneil, Barbara. Politics and Feminism. By Judith Squires 193

Miller, David. Principles of Social Justice. By Annabelle Lever 195

Carens, Joseph H. Culture, Citizenship, and Community: A Contextual Exploration of Justice as Evenhandedness. By Monique Deveaux 197

Joppke, Christian and Steven Lukes, eds. Multicultural Questions. By Alan Patten 198

Steinhart, Eric. On Nietzsche. By Craig Beam 200

Verma, Vidhu. Justice, Equality and Community: An Essay in Marxist Political Theory. By Brian Caterino 201

Stoett, Peter. Human and Global Security: An Exploration of Terms. By Lowell Ewert 203

Clement, Norris C., Gustavo del Castillo Vera, James Gerber, William A. Kerr, Alan J. MacFadyen, Stanford Shedd, Eduardo Zepeda and Diane Alarcón. North American Economic Integration: Theory and Practice. By Tony Porter 204

Enloe, Cynthia. Maneuvers: The International Politics of Militarizing Women's Lives. By Maya Eichler 205

Youngs, Gillian. International Relations in a Global Age: A Conceptual Challenge. By Sandra Whitworth 207

Paul, T.V. and John A. Hall, eds. International Order and the Future of World Politics. By Kim Richard Nossal 208

Deng, Yong and Fei-Ling Wang, eds. In the Eyes of the Dragon: China Views the World. By Jeremy Paltiel 210

Regan, Patrick M. Civil Wars and Foreign Powers: Outside Intervention in Intrastate Conflict. By Stephen Ryan 212

Sandler, Todd and Keith Hartley. The Political Economy of NATO: Past, Present, and into the 21st Century. By David G. Haglund 213

Yeung, May T., Nicholas Perdikis and William A. Kerr. Regional Trading Blocs in the Global Economy: The EU and ASEAN. By Richard Stubbs 215

Zeiler, Thomas W. Free Trade, Free World: The Advent of GATT. By Sir Nicholas Bayne, KCMG 216

Labelling resettlement programs as voluntary suggests that they cause little contention and are devoid of coercion. But is this representation accurate? Drawing on unpublished government documents and media reports, we provide a detailed case study of the Community Relocation Policy (CRP) of Newfoundland and Labrador (NL) from 2009 to the present. We show that CRP has been fraught with contention due to the nature of the voting process and the slow and uncertain nature of the community-oriented consultative process. This article highlights the ways in which coercion has emerged from within the very communities considering resettlement, in addition to any coercion that might come from government officials.

En mars 2020, le premier ministre Legault a fait appel aux influenceur.euses et aux célébrités québécoises dans le cadre de la campagne #Propage l'info, pas le virus afin de sensibiliser les jeunes au respect des consignes sanitaires liées à la COVID-19. Cet article offre un éclairage inédit sur les différentes manières dont ces personnes renommées ont répondu à l'appel ainsi que sur les formes de leurs réponses à l'aide d'une analyse de contenu de leur vidéo partagée sur les réseaux sociaux. Le codage des vidéos s'est fait à partir d'une grille d'analyse qualitative de contenu, inspirée de celle de Fields (1988). Il ressort des analyses que différents moyens ont permis d'accentuer le sentiment de proximité entre la célébrité et son public, dans le but d'augmenter l'adhésion au message. L'utilisation du pronom « On », l'emploi de formules narratives et l'intimité qui se dégage des vidéos informatives vont en ce sens.

This article reports on institutional ethnographic research into how texts and talk were mobilized in social relations leading to the Government of Saskatchewan's enactment of the Trespass to Property Amendment Act, 2019. The act, proclaimed January 1, 2022, requires First Nations people to get advance permission from rural landowners before exercising their Indigenous and treaty rights to hunt and fish on land deemed private property. Findings (1) connect the 2018 acquittal of Gerald Stanley for the 2016 killing of Colten Boushie to political developments that paved the way for the new legislation and (2) trace how the advance permission requirement at the heart of the new legislation tramples on Indigenous and treaty rights, making it even more difficult for First Nations people to access their traditional territories for purposes such as hunting and fishing.

Although the existence of strategic voting in the United Kingdom and Canada has been well documented, quantifying when a voter will cast a strategic ballot has yet to be done. This article draws on electoral data from five UK and Canadian elections in order to address this gap by identifying a precise “tipping point” for when a non-viable party supporter's probability of voting strategically crosses a 50 per cent threshold. I find the best tipping point measure occurs when a voter rates their favourite viable party greater than 59 out of 100 in the UK and greater than 73 out of 100 in Canada. Both countries also have clear tipping points for the likeability of an individual's highest preferred party and perceptions of that party's distance from contention. Overall, by calculating these tipping points, researchers can better gauge voter behaviour and how, or when, certain factors contribute to strategic voting.

Premier of Alberta Danielle Smith's comments comparing the Alberta Sovereignty within a United Canada Act to the Indian Act have sparked widespread outrage and condemnation. Premier Smith would later clarify that these remarks were intended to demonstrate that Alberta and First Nations have a “common problem” with Ottawa. In this brief article, we argue that these comments, as well as the act itself, can be analyzed using Jerald Sabin's contested colonialism framework. We then provide a brief critical discussion of what our analysis means for Canadian politics by addressing the possible intentions and harms of the comments.

The revelation, via a leaked draft, that the Supreme Court of the United States was going to overturn the landmark decision in Roe v. Wade (1973) sparked immediate questions about whether a similar retrenchment of abortion rights could occur in Canada. Key legal, structural, and political cultural factors mitigate the forces of American-style erosion of norms on the Supreme Court of Canada and in our broader politics surrounding abortion rights. Despite this generally optimistic comparative context, complacency about the status of abortion rights in Canada would be unwise. This short Currents article canvasses factors crucial for not only preserving the policy status quo in criminal law (that is, the absence of criminal law abortion regulation in Canada), but also for advancing the scope of abortion rights in the positive sense, as serious barriers to access persist at the provincial level.

With the patriation of the Constitution in 1982, the Supreme Court of Canada (SCC) inherited extraordinary political powers. In response to the Court's expanded power of judicial review, there was a sizeable increase in the number of political actors “intervening” in SCC cases. Scholars of Canadian law and politics are deeply divided on whether civil society participation in the courts—particularly as intervenors—is democratically legitimate. This important debate cannot be settled without an empirical evaluation of who intervenes. This research note provides an analysis of all the Charter cases heard by the SCC between 2013 and 2021. In contrast to the field's dominant theory on interest-group legal mobilization—the Court Party thesis—the findings reveal that equity-deserving interest groups, such as those representing women, have an irregular presence in Court. Instead, powerful actors such as governments and legal associations make up a majority of the “repeat player” intervenors. While further research is warranted, the research note concludes that without the maintenance of sufficient support structures, intervention may be unable to perform a democratizing function.

Do voters use information about and preferences over who will form government in their vote choices? Voters might have preferences over both which party wins the most seats and what type of government that party can form, which they can use to inform their vote choice. To answer this question, we examine the influence of preferences over government types and compare them to trends in party support in the 2019 Canadian federal election. Using rolling, daily cross-sectional survey evidence from the Canadian Election Study, we find that preferences over government type are strongly related to vote choice and that this relationship depends on the perceived viability of the preferred party. We also find that this relationship differs outside and within Quebec: outside Quebec, only the Liberal Party suffers among voters preferring minority governments, while within Quebec, the Liberal Party, New Democratic Party and Conservative Party all struggle to hold on to voters who prefer minority governments.

Scholarly opinions on the linkages between foreign military interventions and human rights promotions or violations are highly divided across the board. While many scholars see military interventions as effective means to save and promote human lives and rights from the clutches of repressive regimes, others reject such interventions as harmful to domestic reconciliations and rights promotions. The Arab Spring has renewed the debates between the liberal enthusiasts who staunchly supported NATO's military intervention to free up the Libyans from the Gaddafi regime and the critics who saw creeping dangers in this new intervention, ostensibly inspired by the “responsibility to protect” doctrine. This paper investigates the issue of Arab Spring-led foreign direct and indirect military interventions in Libya, Bahrain and Syria and critically examines the consequences of interventions for improvements or decline in Arab human rights conditions. Its findings support the position of the anti-intervention scholars that foreign military interventions produce deleterious effects on human rights in the target states.