In the summer of 2019, members of the CARTography Project set out to re-create the route that Patrick and Joan Leigh Fermor took during their first visit to the Deep Mani in 1951. The project involved meticulously analysing the couple's notebooks and photographs to glean details about where they had ventured, using least-cost analysis to model their potential routes and ground-truthing the results by walking and boating the routes ourselves. As in much of rural Greece, Mani's topography has changed substantially in the seven decades since the Leigh Fermors’ journey, with paved roads having replaced many of the Ottoman-era footpaths that locals once relied on for travel and transportation. While the transformed landscape we encountered prevented a complete re-enactment of the Leigh Fermors’ journey, it also offered an opportunity to embody key parts of their travelling experience. The results of our study are twofold: first, a detailed map of the route the Leigh Fermors followed based on our reading of their documentary sources; and second, an assessment of the utility of using least-cost analysis to model the routes of historical travellers.

While accepting A. J. Graham's interpretation of the ‘stèle du port de Thasos’ (SEG 42. 785) as presenting regulations aimed at checking prostitution and associated soliciting in late Archaic Thasos, this article seeks to clarify some specific issues in the text. It urges (i) that the correct reading at l. 31 is κατοικιῶν, with the meaning ‘dwelling’; (ii) that θῆς ἓνεκεν (l. 32) should bear a passive sense, ‘for the sake of being seen’, and, likewise, θήσθω (l. 33), which necessarily picks up θῆς ἓνεκεν, should be regarded as conveying not only the idea of looking out but also of being seen by prospective clients; thus ll. 30–3 are to be rendered ‘no one shall go up onto the roof of maisons publiques in order to be seen, nor shall any woman either show herself from the windows’; and (iii) that προïστάσθω (l. 45) is not to be taken in conjunction with ἐσβαλλέτω (ll. 44–5) as governing the object κόπρον, nor as intransitive in the sense ‘solicit as a prostitute’, but rather as transitive middle, with the subject ὁ ἐνοικέων (l. 34), in the sense ‘exhibit women for sale’.

A rock-cut tomb excavated in 1978 at the south-west end of Lake Vouliagmeni, Perachora, contained the remains of some ten skeletons, and a large quantity of EH II pottery. The best-preserved examples of the pottery are described, and parallels for them adduced. It is argued that the tomb is an ossuary rather than a simultaneous burial.

The writer assisted at the excavation of the upper strata of the Toumba in 1925, and in 1926 excavated upon the High Table. The results obtained in 1925 by Miss W. Lamb are here incorporated with those of 1926, from notes furnished by her. The remarks on the pottery are based in detail upon the 1926 finds, supplemented by a general study of the material obtained, both from Table and Toumba, in 1925.

The excavations which I undertook at Haliartos in 1926 were intended mainly as a test of the possibilities of the site. The principal result was the discovery on the summit of the Acropolis of a previously unknown sanctuary. For various reasons it was not possible at that time thoroughly to explore the remains of the sanctuary, but in 1931 I received a grant from the Research Committee of the University of Birmingham to enable me to do this. The excavation was carried out in April 1931. The Greek Government was represented by Mr. Karouzos, Ephor of Antiquities for the district. In the work of supervision I was assisted by my wife. Mr. Richards of the Lake Copais Company's surveying staff kindly made the plan of the site. I have since paid another visit to Boeotia to complete my study of the results.

The object of this paper is to endeavour to attach their right names to the ancient sites which lie close to the Peneios on either side of the river in its course from Trikkala to Larissa.

The first site which we reach in travelling down stream is that of Palaeo-Gardiki, halfway between Trikkala and Zarkos, close to the high road, on the left bank of the river, which is here some six kilometres distant. On a small spur of the mountains, with which it is only connected by a narrow neck or spur which slopes down to the plain, lie the remains of an ancient acropolis with walls built of both polygonal and ashlar masonry. In front of the acropolis in the plain the remains of a city of no small extent are visible. The walls of ashlar masonry remain to a height of four or five courses, and the foundations of houses and public buildings are clearly marked. The name Palaeo-Gardiki comes from a Byzantine village, Gardiki, which once stood upon the acropolis, but of which no traces now remain except the ruined church. In front of the city lies a marsh, which, combined with the mountain behind, makes the position very strong.

In 1904 trial-pits on the cliffs brought to light a group of larnax-burials not far from the one that was found in 1902 and is described in B.S.A. viii. p. 302, and Fig. 17, p. 302. The indications visible were, as then, pieces of limestone set in line. In several cases the burials were found at the bottom of shallow pits, but in the largest group (5–8 on the plan given in Fig. 9) the larnakes had been thrust under a projecting ledge of conglomerate in a hole scooped out to receive them, and the whole covered up with earth.

The Athenian tribute-quota lists for the years 453–449 BC are reexamined in the light of two new fragments. The most important question is the reason for the failure of various states to appear in them. The author rejects the view that these absences are due to epigraphic chance, doubts whether many of the states were still providing ships, and argues again that there was substantial disaffection in the empire during the period.

The importance attached by Greek cities and their leading statesmen to the oracle of Ammon is a matter of common knowledge. That it was not consulted by Greeks only is shown by the story of its consultation by Croesus (Hdt. i. 46) nearly a century before Kimon sent to seek its advice shortly before his death. From Pausanias we learn that it was frequently consulted by Sparta and by the men of Elis; and that at Thebes there was a temple of Ammon, which can hardly be dated later than the middle of the fifth century, seeing that the statue of the deity, by Kalamis, was dedicated by Pindar. As the poet also sent a hymn in honour of Ammon, which Pausanias apparently saw for himself on his visit to the Oasis-sanctuary, it seems possible that he took the opportunity to visit the oracle when he went to Cyrene for the recital of the second ode in honour of Arkesilas' victory at Delphi in 462 B.C.

In spite of its misleading promise to Alcibiades that he would conquer Syracuse, Athenian faith in its responses was not shaken, and perhaps even strengthened by its hostile attitude to Lysander, but we have no explicit account of any individual Athenian consulting it after the fifth century. That its influence and repute continued throughout the fourth century is attested not only by Alexander's attitude to it, but by the increasing devotion to the cult of Ammon at Athens, for which we have abundant epigraphical evidence. Taking this in chronological order, the first item is a silver phiale dedicated to Ammon, weighing 802 dr. This had been among the votive offerings in charge of the Treasurers of Athena, since, at any rate, 375 B.C.

Les remarques ici présentées ne touchent qu'indirectement aux domaines où M. A. J. B. Wace est spécialiste et maître; qu'il veuille bien, pourtant, les agréer, en souvenir de notre longue et amicale communauté de travail dans l'Orient héllénique: ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἐμ πολέμῳ

En suivant récemment les études consacrées aux problèmes des agoras grecques, études qui n'ont pas cessé d'être nombreuses et intéressantes—je pense ici, par exemple, aux observations faites encore en 1949–1950, par R. E. Wycherley, en Angleterre, par R. Martin, en France1—je n'ai pas pu éviter l'impression d'une part peut-être trop insuffisante accordée à certaines découvertes, qui ont montré, il y a peu, l'importance des primitives ἀγοραὶθεῶν celles-ci ont été le modèle divin offert, je crois, dès la période archaïque, aux futures agoras humaines; les agoras humaines ne se sont constituées et organisées indépendamment qu'à une date relativement plus basse.

Pindakas is a small and low hill lying about 1·5 km. from the harbour at Emporio in South Chios. It is at the foot of the hills which divide the modern town of Pyrgi from the Emporio valley, but it also commands access to the adjacent valley to the north, that leading to modern Kalamoti (see Figs, 1 and 2). The position is, however, one which is better called convenient than strategic. The name must derive from πίδαξ, ‘spring’ or ‘fountain’, and, although there is no water on the hill itself, an excellent well lies close to its slopes on the west. Ano- and Kato-Pindakas have been distinguished, but the distinction is lost today, and Ano-Pindakas, rather nearer Emporio, is as bare of human habitation as Kato-Pindakas, which is our site.

Today the flat top of the hill is bare and rocky with scattered olive trees, though the fields around are rich in corn and mastika. Zolotas had noted antiquities there but it is the great polygonal walls at the west which make two terraces of the hill-top that are the most conspicuous remains (Plate 72a–b). It was on these two terraces that excavations were conducted by the writer in July 1954, in the course of the British School at Athens' excavations at Emporio. Sections were cut east–west through the upper and lower terraces, and north–south through the upper terrace (Figs. 3 and 4, AA and BB) and these, with minor trenches and some ground observation, tell a clear story of the site's history and buildings.

Discussed here, are the public inscriptions produced by two Attic masons of the late 4th century B.C., from the point of view of identifying and describing epigraphic ‘hands.’ The identification of their work rests upon the way in which certain key letter-shapes are used, and the consistency with which they are employed. Private documents have not been examined in this study. The first of these masons, the ‘Mason of IG ii2. 1195’ (to which is added IG ii2. 620), was active between c. 330 and 318 B.C. I identify seventeen inscriptions by this man, nearly all of them decrees of the Athenian State; four are, as yet, unpublished and are not discussed here. The second mason discussed here, the ‘Mason of IG ii2. 497’, seems to have begun work in the late 320s B.C., and was still active c. 299/8 B.C. I attribute thirty-two inscriptions to this man, again most of them decrees of the Athenian State. Six are, as yet, unpublished and are not discussed. The work of these masons is distinctive, but not distinguished: there are sufficient similarities between them to suggest that they may have been master and pupil.

The three bases illustrated in the photographs (Plates 1 and 2) and in the drawings (Figs. 1–3) were all seen and studied by me on a visit to Bodrum undertaken in the summer of 1969. They have been known for some time as individual items, but have never been studied as a group. The base identified here as no. 1 is now located in the courtyard of the castle at Bodrum; nos. 2 and 3 are built into the walls of a house standing on the site of the former Byzantine church of Aghia Marina, in the district called Türkkuyusu outside the main town. Other fragments, relating perhaps to similar monuments, have been reported from the same area at various times, and it seems clear to me from my own investigations that there is a strong chance of the existence of further such bases, in whole or in part.

It is argued that the Egyptian statuette-fragment of User, discovered by Evans early in the 1900 excavations at the Palace of Knossos, was not found in association with datable pottery, and that it should no longer be regarded as one of the key finds for Aegean chronology.

Ephoros remarked in his history that Boeotia was unique among Greek lands in having a coast well provided with harbours and fronting three seas, open to the West, the North, and the East, to Italy, Sicily, and Carthage, to Macedonia and the Euxine, and to Egypt, Cyprus, and the islands; and that it thus had ample opportunities for education, and was marked out by nature for rule over others. Strabo quotes this with approval, adding a remark of his own about the permanence of the success of the Romans due to the education they had received from contact with civilized countries: if only Boeotia had known how to educate her sons! The author of the Periplus which passes under the name of Skymnos of Chios (about 90 B.C.) says the same in almost the same words; and Stephanos of Byzantium repeats it.

Not only were more good vases produced by the further excavation of the sanctuary of Orthia in 1909, but much has also been done since the last report was written, in the matter of fitting together, restoring, and photographing those already found, so that it is now possible to proceed with a fuller publication of the Laconian style than could be made a year ago.

The column drums of the temple at Phanai and the blocks and mouldings of Emporio have attracted a number of occasional scribblings; some of these are cut, many are scratched or punched in rows of single or multiple dots, for others the surface of the stone has only been ‘slightly stunned’. Most are memorial and need no general comment after Rehm's treatment of the Μνήσθη formula. Those that are complete are all of Rehm's ‘motherland’ type and the rest should no doubt be restored on the same pattern.

In general they are of little interest and less importance; indeed the main thing we should like to know about them is their date since in several cases the text has run on from block to block (nos 25, 28 (a), (b), and (c), and 29 (a)) and was therefore inscribed while the blocks were still in their original position. At the moment we have a terminus ante quem in the sixth century A.D. for the destruction of most of the pagan buildings on the site when the basilica church, in which most of the surviving fragments have been found, was built.

The pottery found during the course of excavations this spring on the site of Knossos falls naturally into two groups, of which the larger and earlier, extending from Neolithic to Mycenaean times, came from Kephála and the houses south and south-west of the Kephála mound; while the smaller and less important group was found in tombs of Geometric date, discovered about a mile north of Kephála. Most of the finds belong to a few well-defined groups, and specimens of transitional periods are conspicuous by their absence.

In 1939, during road construction near the modern village Dimitra in the district of Gortynia in north-western Arcadia, digging works brought to light considerable prehistoric remains from the eastern slope of a small hill called Troupes (= ‘holes’) about 2 km. north-east of the village of Dimitra.