The following is an attempt to present in one view the Italian and other western antiquities of the island of Chios. Some of these, as will be seen, have already been published, though for the most part in works not generally accessible: the others are the results of my own investigations in the island (1907–9). Like most other travellers in Chios I owe much to the kindness of residents and especially of M. Const. Kanellakes, who placed his unrivalled knowledge of his native island unreservedly at my disposal, and directed my attention to many points of interest which must else have escaped me. I am also indebted for much practical assistance and support to Messrs. L. and N. Zitelli. Since I began my collection of material the contents of the museum at Chios and some other monuments of the Latin period have been published by the daughter of the late gymnasiarch Prof. G. Zolotas: references to this publication are inserted in brackets with the initial Z. before the inscriptions concerned, but I have thought it unnecessary to republish fragmentary texts to which I have nothing to add. An asterisk denotes stones I have not myself seen.

Discussed here, are the public inscriptions produced by two Attic masons of the late 4th century B.C., from the point of view of identifying and describing epigraphic ‘hands.’ The identification of their work rests upon the way in which certain key letter-shapes are used, and the consistency with which they are employed. Private documents have not been examined in this study. The first of these masons, the ‘Mason of IG ii2. 1195’ (to which is added IG ii2. 620), was active between c. 330 and 318 B.C. I identify seventeen inscriptions by this man, nearly all of them decrees of the Athenian State; four are, as yet, unpublished and are not discussed here. The second mason discussed here, the ‘Mason of IG ii2. 497’, seems to have begun work in the late 320s B.C., and was still active c. 299/8 B.C. I attribute thirty-two inscriptions to this man, again most of them decrees of the Athenian State. Six are, as yet, unpublished and are not discussed. The work of these masons is distinctive, but not distinguished: there are sufficient similarities between them to suggest that they may have been master and pupil.

In May 1864, J. G. von Hahn sought to prove by excavation that the summit of Balli Dağ behind Pinarbasi was the citadel of Homeric Troy. This was the first systematic attempt to identify the site of Troy by archaeological rather than merely topographical evidence. Assisted by J. F. Julius Schmidt and Ernst Ziller, von Hahn excavated stretches of walling, including parts of the perimeter wall. These appeared to range in date from very early (‘Cyclopian’) to the second century BC. But he found no evidence that the site had been occupied in the pre-classical period. He concluded, however, that since Balli Dağ matched so perfectly the indications given in the Iliad, Homer must have visited the site and chosen it as the location for his poem. Von Hahn reported on his excavations in two letters (in German) to George Finlay, later publishing them in that form. Finlay's careful English translation of these reports, published here for the first time, follows a brief introduction.

Pindakas is a small and low hill lying about 1·5 km. from the harbour at Emporio in South Chios. It is at the foot of the hills which divide the modern town of Pyrgi from the Emporio valley, but it also commands access to the adjacent valley to the north, that leading to modern Kalamoti (see Figs, 1 and 2). The position is, however, one which is better called convenient than strategic. The name must derive from πίδαξ, ‘spring’ or ‘fountain’, and, although there is no water on the hill itself, an excellent well lies close to its slopes on the west. Ano- and Kato-Pindakas have been distinguished, but the distinction is lost today, and Ano-Pindakas, rather nearer Emporio, is as bare of human habitation as Kato-Pindakas, which is our site.

Today the flat top of the hill is bare and rocky with scattered olive trees, though the fields around are rich in corn and mastika. Zolotas had noted antiquities there but it is the great polygonal walls at the west which make two terraces of the hill-top that are the most conspicuous remains (Plate 72a–b). It was on these two terraces that excavations were conducted by the writer in July 1954, in the course of the British School at Athens' excavations at Emporio. Sections were cut east–west through the upper and lower terraces, and north–south through the upper terrace (Figs. 3 and 4, AA and BB) and these, with minor trenches and some ground observation, tell a clear story of the site's history and buildings.

Evidence is adduced to show that the toponym Dikta and its adjectival form Diktaios, which have been applied to a variety of locations in Central and Eastern Crete, belong properly to the ancient site currently being reinvestigated by the British School at Palaikastro. Alternative identifications are attributed to the confusion of the various traditions concerning the birth and upbringing of Cretan Zeus which becomes evident in ancient sources in the Hellenistic period. The invention of a Diktaian cave is shown to be the product of a similar process of conflation. A further element of confusion has been added by the citation of a Hellenistic boundary text. The correct identification of Dikta provides a toponymic continuity linking the phases of occupation of the archaeological site at Palakastro.

In 1939, during road construction near the modern village Dimitra in the district of Gortynia in north-western Arcadia, digging works brought to light considerable prehistoric remains from the eastern slope of a small hill called Troupes (= ‘holes’) about 2 km. north-east of the village of Dimitra.

In the summer of 2019, members of the CARTography Project set out to re-create the route that Patrick and Joan Leigh Fermor took during their first visit to the Deep Mani in 1951. The project involved meticulously analysing the couple's notebooks and photographs to glean details about where they had ventured, using least-cost analysis to model their potential routes and ground-truthing the results by walking and boating the routes ourselves. As in much of rural Greece, Mani's topography has changed substantially in the seven decades since the Leigh Fermors’ journey, with paved roads having replaced many of the Ottoman-era footpaths that locals once relied on for travel and transportation. While the transformed landscape we encountered prevented a complete re-enactment of the Leigh Fermors’ journey, it also offered an opportunity to embody key parts of their travelling experience. The results of our study are twofold: first, a detailed map of the route the Leigh Fermors followed based on our reading of their documentary sources; and second, an assessment of the utility of using least-cost analysis to model the routes of historical travellers.

Pendlebury's account (Aegyptiaca 56, nos. 92–94) of the three so-called Egyptian amphorae from chamber tombs at Mycenae in the National Museum at Athens contains a misprint. His number 4695 should read 4569. We may add that according to the inventory this vase is from Chamber Tomb 93. The other two, nos. 2924, 2925, one of which is inscribed, are from Chamber Tomb 58.

Among the Chian inscriptions collected by G. Zolotas and published by his daughter Mme Sarou in ᾿Αθηνᾶ xx (1908) 113–281 there are a few for which Zolotas relied on readings supplied by correspondents who were less careful epigraphists than himself. One of these has now appeared in Chios Museum and deserves republication.

Chios Museum (from Aplotaria in Chios town). No inv. no. Block of blue-grey Chian marble, broken off on right and bottom left. Inscribed on front face. On the top (left) a circular cavity, with raised rim, tapering downwards to a small drainage hole, and (right) a similar but larger cavity of which only a small section is preserved. The inner surface of both is carefully dressed.

The yield of inscriptions from our two seasons' work at the Theatre would not have been extensive but for the fact that the marble facing-blocks of the East Parodos-wall proved to be almost covered with a series of texts, for a distance of some fifteen metres from its west end (adjoining the Orchestra). When we had finished excavating this wall, past the point where the inscriptions ended, we had before us an inscribed monument, second only, among monumental inscriptions of the Greek mainland, to the great Terrace-wall at Delphi. Our documents consist of lists of Magistrates, and the cursus honorum of individual Spartan officials, dating from the first half of the second century of our era. Twenty-eight separate documents are recorded on the wall as it stands, and other twenty-four are contained, in whole or part, on fallen blocks and fragments, some of the latter very small, which came to light in front of the wall, or a short distance away from it. In addition, three fragments of similar records, Nos. 1 E 25–27, were discovered close to the east end of the corresponding West Parodos-wall, which has had its marble facing-blocks almost all stripped away, and none of the inscriptions, which we may presume it bore, have survived in situ.

A Minoan potter's wheel is published, with the peculiar element of appliqué relief sea-shells. The object was found by chance a few years before World War II near the village of Skhinias, in the Upper Mirabello region of NE Crete, and remained unknown until now. It is the first instance of real decoration on a potter's wheel. It can be dated between MM II and LM I and could have come from Malia.

The importance attached by Greek cities and their leading statesmen to the oracle of Ammon is a matter of common knowledge. That it was not consulted by Greeks only is shown by the story of its consultation by Croesus (Hdt. i. 46) nearly a century before Kimon sent to seek its advice shortly before his death. From Pausanias we learn that it was frequently consulted by Sparta and by the men of Elis; and that at Thebes there was a temple of Ammon, which can hardly be dated later than the middle of the fifth century, seeing that the statue of the deity, by Kalamis, was dedicated by Pindar. As the poet also sent a hymn in honour of Ammon, which Pausanias apparently saw for himself on his visit to the Oasis-sanctuary, it seems possible that he took the opportunity to visit the oracle when he went to Cyrene for the recital of the second ode in honour of Arkesilas' victory at Delphi in 462 B.C.

In spite of its misleading promise to Alcibiades that he would conquer Syracuse, Athenian faith in its responses was not shaken, and perhaps even strengthened by its hostile attitude to Lysander, but we have no explicit account of any individual Athenian consulting it after the fifth century. That its influence and repute continued throughout the fourth century is attested not only by Alexander's attitude to it, but by the increasing devotion to the cult of Ammon at Athens, for which we have abundant epigraphical evidence. Taking this in chronological order, the first item is a silver phiale dedicated to Ammon, weighing 802 dr. This had been among the votive offerings in charge of the Treasurers of Athena, since, at any rate, 375 B.C.

A very large proportion of the statues that fill our museums are liable to be dismissed somewhat curtly in descriptions as belonging to the ‘School of Praxiteles.’ It would be interesting to know exactly what percentage of the total number of ancient statues which have come down to us is formed by the Aphrodites, Satyrs, Erotes, and others usually classed under this head, but it must certainly be a very large proportion.

Considering the very large number of statues which we treat in this way, it is startling to discover that our literary evidence contains no record at all of any such school ever having been in existence. We know of followers and pupils of Pheidias, of Polycleitus, and of Lysippus, but we hear of no followers or pupils of Praxiteles or of Scopas, in spite of the undoubted and obvious influence of their style upon the sculpture that now fills our museums. It is true that we know of two sons of Praxiteles, Cephisodotus and Timarchus, but the list of their works, though containing a Leto, an Aphrodite, and two statues of Artemis, includes a greater number of statues which we should be inclined to call un-Praxitelean in character.

It is argued that the Egyptian statuette-fragment of User, discovered by Evans early in the 1900 excavations at the Palace of Knossos, was not found in association with datable pottery, and that it should no longer be regarded as one of the key finds for Aegean chronology.

The veneration of stones seems to have been world-wide at an early stage in religious development, and has left traces everywhere in the magical and ‘folklore’ practices of civilized peoples. Over the Semitic area stone worship, as such, survived later and more generally than among peoples more prone to anthropomorphism; and Islam, so far from being able to displace it, tacitly sanctioned it by allowing the reverence paid already by pagan Arabs to the Black Stone of the Kaaba to be perpetuated on the rather far-fetched hypothesis that the angel Gabriel had brought it to, Mecca.

Christianity, somewhat in the same way, has permitted or encouraged the paying of reverence to stones associated by tradition with saintly personages, the Stone of Unction at Jerusalem being a typical example. In both the great religions of the Near East the arbitrary association of certain stones with sacred persons and events has been allowed to replace or mask the more primitive idea of worshipping stones as fetishes with independent power.

Ephoros remarked in his history that Boeotia was unique among Greek lands in having a coast well provided with harbours and fronting three seas, open to the West, the North, and the East, to Italy, Sicily, and Carthage, to Macedonia and the Euxine, and to Egypt, Cyprus, and the islands; and that it thus had ample opportunities for education, and was marked out by nature for rule over others. Strabo quotes this with approval, adding a remark of his own about the permanence of the success of the Romans due to the education they had received from contact with civilized countries: if only Boeotia had known how to educate her sons! The author of the Periplus which passes under the name of Skymnos of Chios (about 90 B.C.) says the same in almost the same words; and Stephanos of Byzantium repeats it.

The writer assisted at the excavation of the upper strata of the Toumba in 1925, and in 1926 excavated upon the High Table. The results obtained in 1925 by Miss W. Lamb are here incorporated with those of 1926, from notes furnished by her. The remarks on the pottery are based in detail upon the 1926 finds, supplemented by a general study of the material obtained, both from Table and Toumba, in 1925.

Mycenaean underground family sepulchres are found in small groups scattered throughout the Greek countryside. It is not unusual for these tombs to hold fewer than a dozen burials, interred over a period of up to six generations, and tombs with only a single burial are not unknown. On the other hand a few tombs in almost every cemetery see continuous use over a period of up to ten generations, and these naturally contain more skeletons. There is a great range in the size of the tombs and the largest seem to have been the tombs of families of high social standing. The more normal tombs average some 7 m.2 in area, and could hold a large number of skeletons thanks to the custom of moving the bones of earlier burials to one side.

Les remarques ici présentées ne touchent qu'indirectement aux domaines où M. A. J. B. Wace est spécialiste et maître; qu'il veuille bien, pourtant, les agréer, en souvenir de notre longue et amicale communauté de travail dans l'Orient héllénique: ἐν εἰρήνῃ καὶ ἐμ πολέμῳ

En suivant récemment les études consacrées aux problèmes des agoras grecques, études qui n'ont pas cessé d'être nombreuses et intéressantes—je pense ici, par exemple, aux observations faites encore en 1949–1950, par R. E. Wycherley, en Angleterre, par R. Martin, en France1—je n'ai pas pu éviter l'impression d'une part peut-être trop insuffisante accordée à certaines découvertes, qui ont montré, il y a peu, l'importance des primitives ἀγοραὶθεῶν celles-ci ont été le modèle divin offert, je crois, dès la période archaïque, aux futures agoras humaines; les agoras humaines ne se sont constituées et organisées indépendamment qu'à une date relativement plus basse.