In 1987 the Manchester team made casts of the skulls of the priest and priestess discovered at Anemospilia (Archanes) by J. A. and E. Sakellarakis, and after careful medical study—which showed that the priestess suffered from anaemia as well as halitosis—reconstructed their faces, according to the technique used on the skull from tomb II at Vergina (Philip II).

The Linear B administrative texts of Late Bronze Age Greece were written on clay tablets, whose production therefore formed the first stage in the process of document creation, though it generally remains unclear whether the tablets’ writers were also their makers. This study combines experimental archaeology with autopsy of the tablets from Pylos in order to investigate the methods by which the Linear B tablets were created at this site. It thereby sheds light not only on the physical processes involved in shaping the clay, but also on the decisions involved on the part of the tablet-makers, and hence on the relationship between the ‘making’ and ‘writing’ stages of the process of creating the Linear B documents.

The expression λιμὴν κλειστός appears 29 times in ancient Greek literary sources; however, it has prompted four different interpretations and three possible English translations. As a contribution to the ongoing discussion of the expression's meaning, this paper analyses its appearances in Strabo's Geography; this work, with its nine references, is, in fact, the source in which it appears second most often. In particular, focus will be placed upon two issues: the extent to which the expression is employed consistently in the Geography and its possible origin; and what meaning(s) – if any – can be assigned to it. To gain further insight into the expression's meaning(s), the aforementioned cases of ‘closed harbours’ will be compared with the available archaeological and geomorphological evidence.

This article continues my observations on the temple of Poseidon published in BSA xlv (1950) 78 ff. I begin with what I have recently noticed of the architectural detailing and decoration of this temple. Zschietzschmann (AA 1929, 223 f.) noticed a painted pattern of a very unexpected design on the inner taenia of the architrave. It is a well-kept rule in Greek architecture that the decoration of a moulding should echo its profile. So a taenia of rectangular section, assuming that it needed decoration at all, should have had some sort of Greek fret (for which see below). At Sunium, however, it has the Oriental Coil, an ornament which, in any case, is oftener seen on Ionic buildings than on Doric. In Doric, indeed, it is known to have established itself in only one position, on a certain type of flat clay cornice-revetment, probably invented in Corinth, found in a primitive form, and not quite, perhaps, in its canonical position, on the temple of Artemis at Corcyra, and thereafter stereotyped on the monotonous, sub-Corinthian clay cornice-revetments churned out in Sicily during the century down to 480 B.C. At Sunium one can only suppose that the Oriental Coil brought the Doric architrave of the side ptera into greater harmony with the Ionic of the east pteron.

Stone vessels represent one of the rarest artifactual categories of Neolithic Greece. Only several dozen specimens (mostly fragmentary) have been recovered from 65 sites. These objects are also some of the least studied; with few exceptions, they are known only through superficial reports. Thus, their potential to shed light on social and economic aspects of Neolithic life remains unexploited. In this article, I address this problem in two ways. First, I focus on a specific stone vase assemblage: that from the well-known site of Franchthi in the north-eastern Peloponnese. This is one of the largest assemblages and is presented here in detail. Secondly, I use the Franchthi assemblage as a point of departure to attempt a synthesis of the available information on Greek Neolithic stone vases.

The Knives. Three complete one-edged knives, and one fragmentary, were found in the tombs. The bronze knive (I. 5) belongs to a small group in which the whole of the handle including a T-shaped pommel extension was cast in one piece with the blade, while inset panels of perishable material were secured by rivets and deep flanges in the metal. Apart from this pommel-flange it is similar to a large contemporary group of bronze knives to be found throughout the Aegean.

One-edged knives with flanged handles are at least as old as the Shaft-grave period at Mycenae. In Crete a riveted handle without flanges was preferred from Middle Minoan times, but the flanged handle appears at the end of Late Minoan II or the beginning of IIIA. The pommel-flange is rare, though found occasionally on both riveted and unriveted knives. The earliest dated example is probably that from the Palace of Mycenae found with other objects of Late Helladic II or early III date; one comes from Dendra, Chamber Tomb 7, and one unriveted from Chamber Tomb 2, dated L.H. IIIB. The Mycenae knife has not the true T-projection but only a broadening at the end of the handle which is in shape very like handles of Levantine daggers and two-edged knives found in the so-called ‘Hyksos tombs’ of Ras Shamra and at Tell el Ajjul, Tell Fara, and elsewhere in Palestine.

The Byzantine coinage in the twelfth century was of three kinds. There were gold nomismata, with a purchasing power which must have been a good deal greater than that of a present-day five-pound note, and also nomismata of ‘pale gold’—gold alloyed with silver—of lower value; at the other extreme there were bronze coins, smaller than a modern farthing, which were the coinage of the market-place; intermediate, but still of low value, there were coins about the size of a halfpenny, normally made of copper lightly washed with silver. The silvered bronze and the gold were not flat, as are most coins, but saucer-shaped. The reason for their unusual form is not known. Numismatists describe them as scyphate, and refer to the middle denomination in the later Byzantine system of coinage as Scyphate Bronze, to distinguish it from the petty bronze coinage. Scyphate Bronze was first struck under Alexius I (1081–1118). Substantive issues were made by John II (1118–43), and such coinage became extremely plentiful under Manuel I (1143–80) and his successors Isaac II (1185–95) and Alexius III (1195–1203). After the capture of Constantinople in the course of the Fourth Crusade, the successor-states to the Byzantine Empire at Nicaea, Salonica, and in Epirus continued to issue scyphate bronze coinage, although in much smaller quantities, until after the middle of the thirteenth century.

The iconography and composition of the Arcesilas Cup are widely acknowledged to have been modelled on weighing scenes found in Egyptian funerary art. However, less attention has been given to how the Arcesilas Painter came to experiment with a composition found in Egyptian funerary art, and why he would want to do so. This paper revises previous studies of the Arcesilas Cup's subject and its similarities to Egyptian illustrations of the weighing of the heart spell. Next, it explores how exchange and consumption in the sixth-century Mediterranean can be used to make sense of the cup's unique subject. Finally, it proposes contexts for the transmission of designs between Egyptian and Laconian artists.

Upper Macedonia is the upland country which lies at the back of Mount Bermius as regards Macedonia properly so-called, which is the Campagna between the hills and the sea at the head of the Gulf of Salonica. Beyond the hills Olympus, Bermius, and their continuation northward, lies Upper Macedonia about the valleys of the Haliakmon and Erigon and round the lakes of Ochrida, Presba and Kastoria. This was the fourth region of Macedonia according to the Roman division after the defeat of Perseus at Pydna in 168. This region according to Livy included Eordaia, Lynkestis, Pelagonia, Stymphalis (sic), Elimiotis and Atintania. The country to-day falls naturally by its geographical features into several divisions and these correspond, as far as our information goes, with the ancient districts. Going westwards from Edessa along the line of the Via Egnatia, near the lakes, of which Lake Ostrovo is the chief, the traveller first reaches some hilly country which forms the watershed between the valleys of the Erigon and Haliakmon. To the north in the valley of the Erigon is a long, narrow plain stretching from Fiorina past Monastir to just beyond Krushevo and Prilep. The northern part of this plain is itself separated from the rest by a low range of hills about the villages of Tsepik and Topoltsani.

This paper presents in detail a deposit of metallurgical debris from a small-scale casting operation at Palaikastro, E. Crete. The deposit consists of a selection of discarded metalworking tools, including tuyères (blowpipes), crucibles, and moulds, all of which are indicative of different processes involved in the production of metal objects. The moulds offer rare evidence for the local manufacture of specific object types that can be identified from the fragmentary remains. In addition to moulds for various tool types, such as double axes, there are fragments of moulds for a large decorative stand similar to the ‘rod’ tripod stands found predominantly on Cyprus. This is the first evidence for production of these stands on Crete at such an early date.

Between the Acropolis hill of Sparta and the northern limits of the modern town lies a stretch of level ground, the greater part of which is covered with olive trees. In the middle of this area (General Plan, K 14 and 15) are a series of four tombs, of which two found undisturbed and one empty belong to the Hellenistic age, while one, now unfortunately almost totally destroyed, appears to have had a greater antiquity. This line of tombs lies along the southern limit of what we suppose to be the site of the Agora, and is thus in the heart of the ancient town. The conspicuous ancient building known as the Tomb of Leonidas lies a short distance away, and the discovery of tombs so close to it, and of a form not greatly dissimilar, opens once more the question of its purpose.

The existence of Late Minoan tombs somewhere in this area was noted by Evans, and several of those found during our excavations had been partly destroyed or plundered. Nineteen tombs were discovered in all. One of them (XVIII) was a Middle Minoan tomb (see p. 220). The rest (with the possible exception of tomb VIII which was found empty, and which from its shape and character may be Middle Minoan) all belonged to the Late Minoan III period, from the time of the destruction of the Late Minoan II Palace about 1400 B.C. (tombs I, II, XV), till the end of Late Minoan times (tomb VII), when iron had begun to come into use (c. ?1150 B.C.), a range of some 250 years or more. It is possible that tomb I, with its finely decorated clay vases and interesting bronze knives and razors, may go back within the limits of the early part of Late Minoan IIIA (Furumark's IIIA 1) before the destruction of the Palace.

The tithe was the most important source of revenue for the Venetian government in the Morea. The initial practice of farming out the collection of the tax each year to private individuals was later partially replaced by a system reminiscent of Ottoman practice, whereby the village communities became responsible for their own tithe. This policy encouraged the villages to negotiate directly with the provincial authorities, but met with limited success. The article concludes that the system failed in terms of both its primary aim of recovering sufficient revenue for the regional government and the secondary aim of conciliating the Greek population.

Whereas the 1954 tombs belonged to the House of Shields, of the two uncovered in 1955 one was within the House of Sphinxes and the other lay immediately to the west of it.

This burial does not need any lengthy description. It was found at the east end of an otherwise unfruitful trial trench dug immediately to the west of the modern road which runs along the western side of the House of Sphinxes. It consisted of the skeleton (in very poor condition) of a small child, placed on the rock. Two bronze pins lay together over the chest, and a cup was found on the rock beside the body. There was no longer any indication as to how the skeleton and the associated objects were originally protected.

In the course of the excavations carried on by the School from 1906 to 1910 at Sparta, a considerable quantity was found of the mediæval glazed pottery that is usually called Byzantine. As specimens of this fabric are not common in museums, and its date and general relations are still matters of some doubt, it seems desirable to publish all the pieces of any interest as material for further study, although the writers of this paper have no claim to speak as experts on the subject. The fragments were found in the numerous trial pits that were made on and around the Acropolis, and were especially abundant outside the east end of the Late Roman fortifications. The exactly similar ware from Pergamon and Constantinople now in the Kaiser Friedrich Museum at Berlin is there officially ascribed to the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, and other pieces from old Cairo in the same museum of very similar make, to the eleventh and twelfth. Two almost complete bowls from Pergamon, on the other hand, plainly of our classes I and III, are assigned by W. Altmann to ‘the first centuries of Byzantine art’ The position in which the sherds were found at Sparta gives some slight indication as to date in the form of a probable terminus ante quem, for the building of the fortress of Misithra, or Mistrá, by Guillaume de Villehardouin, in the middle of the thirteenth century, was quickly followed by the decay of the Byzantine city situated round the Acropolis of Sparta.

In the Addendum to the editio minor Kirchner quotes with approval the opinion of Wilhelm that the two fragments published separately as IG ii2. 121 and IG ii2. 185 belong together. As far as I have been able to ascertain, this suggestion has never been withdrawn. There are, however, a number of reasons which make it clear that this proposed join must be rejected.

Both pieces are of white marble and are housed in the Epigraphical Museum at Athens. IG ii2. 121 (= EM 6958) constitutes the top right part of a stele and has a right edge preserved. The dimensions are: maximum height 0·366 m., maximum width 0·222 m., maximum thickness 0·151 m. The surface is rather badly worn. Part of the bottom of a heading in large letters (of 22 mm. height) is preserved at the very top. Below this there is an uninscribed space of 0·113 m., followed by the remains of some six lines of text which comprise part of the prescript of the decree.

Early Cycladic pottery from the lower levels of the site at Akrotiri, especially from the pits dug to bedrock to support the modern roofing, is described and discussed. This demonstrates that Akrotiri was occupied as early as the EC period. Evidence from this for relations with the rest of the Cyclades and the Aegean in general is discussed, together with the possible chronological equations. Most of the pottery belongs to the advanced phases of the Early Cycladic. There is, as yet, no certain evidence for Neolithic.