A gold myrtle wreath was acquired by the Jean Paul Getty Museum in 1993, and returned to Greece in 2007: it is now housed in the collection of the Archaeological Museum of Thessaloniki (inv. no. ΜΘ 24000). While its technical features and methods of manufacture have already been discussed in previous publications, this article focuses on provenance, dating, and comparisons. On the basis of a detailed structural analysis and parallels for this wreath, the author suggests Central Macedonia as its provenance and a date towards the end of the 4th century bc. This is the eighth myrtle wreath from this region, implying that this type was made in local workshops. The concluding section of this article offers a brief account of the use of wreaths in ancient Greece.

Ένα χρυσό στεφάνι μυρτιάς, που αγοράστηκε από του Μουσείο γκεττύ το 1993, επιστράφηκε στην Ελλάδα το 2007 και συμπεριλήφθηκε στη συλλογή του Αρχαιολογικού Μουσείου Θεσσαλονίκης (ΜΘ 24000). Οι τεχνικές λεπτομέρειες και η μέθοδος κατασκευής του έχουν παρουσιαστεί σε σχετικές δημοσιεύσεις. Η παρούσα εργασία εξετάςει την προέλευση, τη χρονολόγηση και τη σύγκρισή του με άλλα παρόμοια χρυσά στεφάνια μυρτιάς. Βασισμένη στη λεπτομερή ανάλυση της δομής του αντικειμένου και στα παράλληλά του, η συγγραφέας προτείνει την Κεντρική Μακεδονία ως τόπο προέλευσής του και το χρονολογεί στα τέλη του 4ου αιώνα π.Χ. Είναι το όγδοο χρυσό στεφάνι μυρτιάς από την περιοχή αυτή υποδηλώνοντας ότι αυτός ο τύπος κατασκευαςόταν εκεί, σε τοπικά εργαστήρια. Στο τελευταίο τμήμα της εργασίας γίνεται σύντομη αναφορά στη χρήση των χρυσών στεφανιών στην αρχαία Ελλάδα.

Professor Myres has been the chief agent in inducing English archaeologists to appreciate the significance of the Danubian province for Greek prehistory. Since his first paper in Science Progress, 1896–7, he has frequently discussed in a stimulating manner the relations between the two areas. In his latest pronouncement he not only shews how political considerations have affected the interpretation of the relevant facts, but has stated in an unequivocal way the essential conditions for an objective decision between two contrasted views: ‘not only continuity of material on a series of sites, but coherence of styles within a chronological scheme.’ Six years ago both desiderata seemed far from fulfilment. The Danubian province was still separated by the Balkan wall from the Aegean; not even its relative chronology was clear. Subsequent discoveries by Heurtley in Macedonia and by Fewkes in the Morava valley have substantially reduced the gap between the two provinces in one direction. Even on the Middle Danube Banner and Tompa have established a provisionally acceptable cultural sequence. At the same time fresh comparative material has been made available beyond the Aegean which must affect any interpretation of Danubian-Aegean relationships. A re-examination of some of the issues might then appropriately be dedicated to the far-sighted savant who first inspired my own interest in the Danube valley.

Had I been aware, when I published the reconstruction of the great group of Damophon at Lycosura in volume xiii. of this Annual, that there was even then lying under lock and key in the National Museum of Athens a coin bearing on its reverse a representation of that very group, such misgivings as I had about the correctness of my reconstruction would have been greatly intensified.

The lucky re-discovery of this coin (Fig. 1) and its publication by M. Staïs in the last number of the Journal International d'Archéologie Numismatique afford an embarrassing opportunity for testing the value of the reconstruction, in which M. Staïs has treated me with great consideration. Before discussing his analysis of the coin, I should like to express to him my gratitude for acquainting me so promptly with its discovery and providing me with a cast.

The aim of this paper is to re-examine the painted fragments discovered by Arthur Evans and his team in the Throne Room at Knossos in 1900. We have tried to integrate systematically the extant archival data stored in the Ashmolean Museum in Oxford and the archaeological remains at Herakleion in an attempt to retrace the history of discovery of the paintings. In our view, the iconography of this programme places its execution at the onset of Late Minoan (LM) II. We see the inclusion of both ‘traditional’ (Neopalatial) and ‘innovative’ (Final Palatial) elements in the composition as suggestive of an attempt on behalf of the artist(s) and the commissioner(s) to blend artistic traditions in the creation of a new, yet still recognisable, image of power. We assess the implications stemming from this suggestion and interpret the decorative programme of the Throne Room at Knossos as part and expression of the emergence of the wanax ideology.

It is argued that Byzantine manuscript illustrations to Hesiod's eighth-century BC poem offer realistic evidence for the appearance and function of common Medieval agricultural implements, of which there is little other record. Fourteen manuscripts illustrated from the tenth to sixteenth centuries AD are analysed in the Table on p. 67. In them seventeen implements not named in the text may be regarded as contemporary Medieval pictures, which may also be true of the six implements which Hesiod describes, for traditional textual or arthistorical rules hardly apply to these rustic drawings. Using the methodology of K. D. White's studies of Roman farming, other pictorial, literary, documentary, and the scanty archaeological evidence, together with that of survivals, is applied to these twenty-three implements alone. Conclusions are that the Byzantines may have introduced an eliktrin spade-fork, and possibly a wheel structure, but the article must be read within the context of Roman, Western Medieval and later Mediterranean studies of technology and means of peasant production, for which it offers only a first step in the largely unexplored Byzantine field.

Technological and typological studies of the chipped-stone industries of Palaeolithic Greece have hitherto been founded upon thorough descriptions of the morphological attributes of artefacts. This article departs from this tradition to examine, by means of refitting, the technology that created a group of 1691 lithic artefacts at Upper Palaeolithic Kastritsa. Refitting seeks to reconstruct individual reduction sequences by making connections between artefacts that are the results of successive steps in lithic production, thereby revealing more about the biographies of those artefacts. This approach, although extremely valuable, is not universally applicable because it is time-consuming and works only if the artefacts it examines have been retrieved from undisturbed contexts. Kastritsa's industry, however, lends itself to this sort of analysis thanks to the site's generally good spatial and temporal integrity. Attention is focused on layer 12 (in the western part of the rockshelter), a layer that has, amongst other features, yielded two sets of postholes. This evidence of habitation structures of this sort is unique in the Upper Palaeolithic record of south-east Europe. The analysis shows that this layer contains the greatest percentage of refitting specimens so far recorded at Kastritsa and makes a number of observations concerning the technological decisions taken by the knappers who worked there. It also suggests that specialised knapping and transformation activities probably took place in this part of the camp.

The small Greek island of Antikythera has a long history of human exploitation, of which one of the most interesting episodes is represented by a fortified settlement on the north coast of the island that can be plausibly identified as a centre of Hellenistic piratical activity. Hellenistic ‘Aegila’ has left both impressive standing remains and a range of portable finds that have attracted academic interest over much of the last two centuries. This paper examines the pottery assemblage from this period recovered during a recent intensive survey over the island's entire extent. We consider the spatial and typological character of this material as well as the implications it has for the Hellenistic community's wider social, economic and political connections.

While travelling in Turkey in 1951 as Wilson Fellow of the University of Aberdeen, I visited Eskişehir (Dorylaion) and a number of villages in that area. In the interval between Cox and Cameron's exhaustive survey of that district and my own visit, a considerable amount of new material has come to light, as is generally the case in Anatolia. The following inscriptions are of some interest:

1. Eskişehir, Museum Depôt Inv. no. 186. Grey marble bomos with acroteria; slightly damaged, and badly weathered at one point in the inscribed area. Mouldings above and below. In pediment, part of an eagle, probably the eagle of Zeus; see L. Robert, RevPhil XIII (1939), 203 f.

H. (visible) 1·1 m.; W. 0·49 m., (shaft) 0·36 m.; Th. 0·325 m. Letters 0·035 m. to 0·048 m.; average 0·037 m., with heavy apices and ligatures.

Photograph of squeeze, Fig.

The reference to Zeus Euphranor is new.

This paper is a summary of the results of a workshop held at Knossos in August 1992. The aims of the workshop were to examine the most coherent and reliable deposits, place them in a chronological sequence, and decide on common terminologies and definitions. This brief paper provides a framework and serves as a common introduction to various detailed studies of Knossian EM–MM pottery by the various authors which have appeared, are in press, or are forthcoming.

One of Professor Myres's outstanding activities within the present decade has been in the re-founding of the old tradition of International Congresses in prehistoric archaeology and in anthropology. Prehistorians of many lands have cause to be grateful for the facilities thus afforded them for getting to know one another better, and for the interchange of facts and ideas, and never more so than when the subject has been one to which Professor Myres himself has contributed. Those subjects are notoriously many, but from the International Congress of Prehistoric and Protohistoric Sciences held at Oslo in 1936—the second of the new series—I recall with especial vividness his contribution, following those of Professors Childe and Menghin, to the discussion on the paper read by Mr. R. W. Hutchinson on Aegean Battle-axes. And it is a great pleasure to be able to turn to my notes—such as they were—of what he said that morning, as a startingpoint for my brief tribute in this volume to the inspiration of his manysided genius.

The remains of an exceptionally well-preserved Hellenistic wine press were uncovered during a rescue excavation at Knossos in 1977. The architecture, stratigraphy and faunal remains from this campaign were published in BSA 89 (1994) by J. Carington Smith (the excavator) and S. Wall. The artefact assemblages from this excavation, however, have remained unstudied and unpublished until now. The current article presents the artefact assemblages from the wine press excavation and considers them within their urban context at Knossos. The key findings from this excavation relate to the Late Hellenistic wine press and its associated material, which enables us to consider both the ancient winemaking process at Knossos and the economic topography of the city in the decades around the Roman conquest of the island in 67 bc. In addition to the Late Hellenistic phase, material of Minoan, Early Iron Age–Early Archaic, earlier Hellenistic and Early Roman dates is also presented and discussed.

In their preface to Vol. X of the Cambridge Ancient History the editors promise that in Vol. XI will be found a ‘survey of the several provinces during the two centuries that end with the Antonines.’ The student of Roman Cyprus cannot be advised to turn to this volume, because he will there find no mention of Cyprus whatsoever, even as a word in the index. This neglect—for such, indeed, it seems—is indicative not only of the quite literal insularity of this small and in general insignificant province, but also of a long-standing and unwarranted indifference to Cypriot epigraphy. Since the profitable visit of Waddington in 1862, few epigraphists have landed in Cyprus with any higher purpose than the enjoyment of a busman's holiday; and whereas prehistory, archaeology, sculpture, coinage and the literary sources have been the subject of specialised study, the historian of Cyprus under the Empire, when he takes up the only available collection of inscriptions for his period, that still indispensable work Inscriptiones Graecae ad res Romanas pertinentes, finds there sixty-nine inscriptions only, of which several have been poorly published and some again imperfectly edited.

Charred plant remains of middle neolithic to middle bronze age date indicate the processing for storage or consumption of emmer (Triticum dicoccum), hulled six-row barley (Hordeum vulgare), bitter vetch (Vicia ervilia) and acorns (Quercus sp.). Samples of emmer, barley, and bitter vetch from an early bronze age destruction level are valuable evidence for economic diversification at a household level.

The possibility of establishing the sequence and chronological development of Mycenaean pottery by excavation on a well-stratified site is remote. Remains of the Mycenaean period are, generally, found either on rocky outcrops or in the eroded upper levels of mounds which have been inhabited for many centuries, and there is, thus, little scope for true stratigraphic excavation. The very considerable quantity of Mycenaean pottery which has been discovered in the Mediterranean area and the studies of it which have been published in the last twenty-five years have produced the impression that Mycenaean pottery is ‘well known’. Indeed, such pottery is, on the whole, easily recognized but there is often great difficulty in dating it. Pottery from settlements has largely been neglected, on the grounds of its fragmentary condition, in favour of better-preserved examples from tombs. The result is that, in his volume dealing with chronology, Furumark was able to use, for the L.H. III period, only ten groups of pottery from domestic contexts. Moreover, if the student of today wishes to compare new material with these groups, he will find that the evidence from Mycenae (four of the ten groups) was almost completely lost during the war and that of the rest only the pottery from Athens and from Zygouries is available.

Distribution maps are fashionable among archaeologists, but they are not always used properly. It is not enough to mark the places where objects of a given class have been found; it is important to know also in what frequency they were found, where they have not been found, and where they have not been looked for. To collect this information is often difficult and sometimes impossible since so much excavation has gone unrecorded, and I have therefore chosen one of the easier subjects, the distribution of Chiot pottery in the late seventh and early sixth centuries B.C. Much Chiot pottery is fortunately distinctive, so that even the more conscienceless excavators have often identified it and thought it worth mention, and thus we have fuller data for its distribution than for that of most classes of archaic Greek pottery.

The thirteenth-to-sixteenth-century (“Venetian”) defended settlement of Kephalos on the island of Paros was surveyed by the Cyclades Research Project (CY.RE.P.). This article offers an archaeological case-study of the kastro by examining and interpreting its medieval material remains (defensive walls, chapels, cisterns, domestic structures and surface potsherds). Moreover, on the basis of combined information from written sources and comparable building projects in late medieval Italy and the Latin-dominated Levant, more light can be shed on aspects of daily life in the Aegean. Archaeological evidence suggests that the first phase of Kephalos could be placed in the later thirteenth century but it was extended with the addition of an outer defensive wall in the late fourteenth century and was inhabited until the legendary besiege of the corsair Barbarossa in 1537. Domestic remains within the kastro suggest that the site must have been densely built, housing a large number of peasants in single-roomed two-storey houses. Architectural remains and ceramic finds on the highest point of the site testify to the existence of a strong Catholic/upper class element on the most prominent portion of the kastro, reserved for the Latin lords and their agricultural produce. Extensive survey (by CY.RE.P.) in the valley below Kephalos has shown that a number of contemporary satellite settlements existed and functioned around the kastro, suggesting an agriculturally intensified use of the rural landscape. Additionally, the study and interpretation of the surface ceramic finds offer a window to late medieval living standards and food preferences in the Aegean

The generally accepted date (377/6) of the earliest Athenian naval inventory of the fourth century B.C., IG II2 1604, rests upon an unsafe restoration and several improbable assumptions. The fact that a Secretary 377/6 is named as trierarch on 1604 casts severe doubt on the accepted date. Indeed, the small number of allotted triremes on 1604 strongly suggests a date before the outbreak of war in 378. The record on 1604 of an Athenian trireme borrowed by the Chian Antimachos, which is easily associated with the negotiations at the very foundation of the Athenian Confederacy, seems to date 1604 to 379/8. Thus it is unlikely that the new series of inventories began only in 378/7 as a consequence of that foundation; the absence from the Navy Lists of outstanding debts datable before 378/7 indicates perhaps a successful collection of naval debts in that year. The existence of a substantial number of newly constructed triremes on 1604 discredits the view that the Peace of 387/6 banned all naval activity in Greece. New readings on Tod 117 demonstrate that Athens continued to deploy ships during the Peace. Its terms, which were not particularly harsh on Athens, more closely resembled those rejected in 392, which did allow trireme-building, than those of 371 and later. Anyhow these later Koinai Eirenai, like the Peace of Antalcidas, prohibited, not all military activity, but only warfare among the signatory states.

The canal dug by Xerxes across the Mount Athos peninsula in preparation for his invasion of Greece is an important but little-known monument. Geophysical and topographical investigations begun in 1991–2 now suggest that its central section across high ground ran along a deep trench. Its features elsewhere remain to be determined.

Studies previously conducted by Warren into this group of material, which was found in some of the cists within Magazine XIII of the Palace at Knossos, and considered to belong to a gypsum worker's atelier dating to LM II-IIIa, were concentrated especially on establishing the position of the workshop in the broader perspective of the Minoan stone vase-making industry. I now examine in greater detail one area of study that Warren commented upon — the technical procedures of construction that were employed (with particular reference to the vases), with the intention of building up more accurate information about the tool kits than has hitherto been available.

The origin of the Doric triglyph has been long a subject of dispute, and the problem is briefly this. The earliest stone triglyph that we have is dated to circa 600 B.C., and there is no direct evidence for earlier examples in other materials except in the temples at Thermon and Calydon, where terracotta metopes were found dated by their style to circa 640 B.c., the Calydon examples being slightly the later of the two. Undecorated terracotta metopes were found in the seventh century temple at Gonnos; on these see below. The spacing of the columns in the Heraion at Olympia, which shows contraction at the angles, has been adduced as evidence of a triglyph-frieze; but the earliest stone column cannot have been put in before 600 B.C., and the existing contraction may be the result of a later arrangement. Pottery of 600–590 B.C. has been found beneath the present structure. Yet the form of the Doric triglyph remained without variation for over four centuries, although it gives many indications of being unsuited to the material in which it has survived. This, it is argued, points to at least as long a period of development before its appearance in stone at the end of the seventh century. What determined this form, and in what material it was developed, are the two questions confrontine students of this problem.