It is argued that the painting in the Stoa Poikile described by Pausanias as an engagement between Athenians and Spartans at Argive Oenoe in fact refers to Oenoe in Attica, and depicted the arrival of the Plataean contingent prior to the battle of Marathon. The dependence of Herodotus on the paintings in the Stoa Poikile for his account of Marathon is discussed.

Amongst the somewhat meagre array of inscriptions illustrating Athenian relations with Persia in the middle of the fourth century there is one substantial document which merits particular attention. This is the decree which records details of Athenian relations with a certain Orontes who is generally identified with the well-known Persian satrap of that name. This decree, published as IG ii2. 207, consists of four fragments. Three of these are extant and are housed in the Epigraphical Museum at Athens (fragments (b)+(c)+(d) = EM 7035, 7035 (α), 7036), the other piece has long been lost (fragment (a)).

An emended text of this inscription is presented. The evidence it affords for the development of Athenian metic-status is discussed, in the light of its reattribution to the time of the Kleisthenic reforms. The role of Kleisthenes in establishing the metic-status is confirmed.

With the publication of Dr. Renfrew's most valuable study of the development and chronology of the Early Cycladic figurines it is now possible for us to study both the distribution and the influence of these figurines in the regions bordering the Aegean—in the Troad, Dodecanese, northern Greece, the Peloponnese, and Crete. This paper is concerned with Cycladic figurines in Crete, and with the influence which the Cycladic figures had upon the development of the indigenous Cretan types. It begins with a brief description of the Neolithic figurines of Crete, and proceeds to a discussion of Cycladic and indigenous types, and an examination of three types which appear to be hybrids, peculiar to the island. The concluding section discusses the significance of the Cycladic figurines and their derivatives in Crete as evidence for cultural contact in the Aegean Early Bronze Age.

Finds of the Mediterranean Cone Shell (Conus mediterraneus Hwass in Bruguière 1792 = ventricosus Gmelin) from Neolithic and Bronze Age Greece are listed, and their use discussed.

This paper summarizes the results of the earlier phase (1991–8) of geoarchaeological investigations at the Canal of Xerxes in northern Greece and then presents the findings of recent work. Through the combination of geophysical survey and analysis of sediments obtained from bore holes drilled along the supposed course of the canal it was established in 1996 that at least in the central sector of the 2 km wide isthmus there was indeed a deeply buried trench-like structure, c. 30 m wide. This is most likely to have been a canal that would have had a depth of water of up to 3 m. The recent work has explored first the situation at the southern end of the canal where one ancient writer claimed that the terrain would only have allowed the construction of a slipway (diolkos). However, seismic survey and sedimentological analysis of cores in that area found no obstacle to the digging of a canal. Second, the results of seismic survey (supported by the evidence of satellite imagery) at the northern end of the canal have suggested that its course was more easterly than that proposed earlier on the basis of the line of present-day lowest ground. In sum, all the indications are that there was a canal across the Athos peninsula and not a diolkos, and that the canal's features conform to those outlined by Herodotus in his description of the structure built by Xerxes to allow the Persian fleet into the Aegean for the invasion of Greece in 480 BC.

The Sikyonian site of Titane lies on the eastern slopes of Vesiza, c. 11 km south-west of Sikyon, and some 8.5 km to the north of the Arkadian city of Phlious. The purpose of this study is to examine Titane in relation to Sikyon based on ancient testimonia and the results of my archaeological survey carried out between 1996 and 2002. It is argued that Titane was not a town but a sanctuary, perhaps the most important sanctuary of the Sikyonia in antiquity. The fortifications previously interpreted as an acropolis wall belong to a fort built later within the sanctuary because of its strategic location close to the southern borders of the city-state. Furthermore, the discovery of early Iron Age material on the site and the early cult practices mentioned by Pausanias show that the sanctuary was established in the Geometric period, i.e. during the period of formation of the polis. Finally, it is suggested that a main reason for the foundation of the sanctuary on the slopes of Vesiza was the sacred demarcation of the southern reaches of the Sikyonian city-state.

This paper presents the results of a large-scale petrological study of Early Iron Age (twelfth-seventh centuries bc) coarse wares from north-central Crete. 210 samples were taken for analysis from six locations at Knossos, representing distinct funerary, domestic, and ritual contexts. The pottery selected represents coarse to semi-fine fabrics and a variety of vessel types and sizes. The bulk (188) of the samples can be divided into seven fabric groups, with 22 loners or pairs. Four of the seven fabric groups exhibit a mineralogy that is consistent with local geology. The functional ceramic range is clearly reflected in the methods of clay preparation: coarse wares, cooking pot wares and fine wares have distinct clay paste technology. Three of the fabric groups, however, appear to be non-local, twelve samples coming from elsewhere in Crete, and twenty-three from elsewhere in the Aegean. Fabric groups 4 and 7 seem to represent a rather specialized local taste for exotic (possibly Cycladic) wares, used primarily for cooking. Overall the picture is one of considerable continuity in patterns of production and consumption from the Bronze Age. The introduction of the red micaceous wares (especially fabric 4) however coincides with a number of other signs of greater external contact in Knossos during the latter part of the ninth century BC. These innovations appear to be related, even if debate continues as to their significance.

To άρθρο Παρουσιάςει τα αποτελέσματα μιας μεγάλης κλίμακας πετρολογικής μελέτης της χονσροεισούς κεραμεικής της Πρώιμης Eποχής του Σισήρου (12ος- 7ος αι. π.X.) από την βόρεια κεντρική Kρήτη. 210 σείγματα πάρθηκαν για ανάλυση από έξι θέσεις στην Kνωσό, οι οποίες αντιπροσωπεύουν σιακριτά ταφικά, οικιακά και τελετουργικά σύνολα. H επιλεγμένη κεραμεική αντιπροσωπεύει χονσροεισή και μεσαίας ποιότητας αγγεία ποικίλων σχημάτων και σιαστάσεων. O κύριος όγκος (188) των σειγμάτων μπορεί να σιαιρεθεί σε επτά ομάσες σύστασης πηλού, με 22 σείγματα να αποτελούν μονασικές περιπτώςεις ή ςεύγη. Tέσσερις από τις επτά ομάσες εμφανίςουν ορυκτολογία ςύμφωνη με την τοπική γεωλογία. H ποικιλία της χρηστικής κεραμεικής αντανακλάται καθαρά στις μεθόσους προετοιμαςίας του πηλού: χονσροεισή αγγεία, μαγειρικά αγγεία και λεπτότεχνα αγγεία σείχνουν σιακριτή τεχνολογία πρόςμειξης πηλού. Tρεις από τις ομάσες ςύστασης πηλού παρ' όλα αυτά φαίνεται να μην είναι εγχώριες – σώσεκα σείγματα προέρχονται από άλλες περιοχές της Kρήτης, και 23 από άλλες περιοχές του Aιγαίου. Oι ομάσες 4 και 7 φαίνεται να αντιπροςωπεύουν μια ισιαίτερα εξεισικευμενη τοπική προτίμηση για εξωτικά (ενσεχομένως Kυκλασικά) αγγεία, τα οποία χρησιμοποιούνταν κυρίως για μαγειρική. Γενικά έχουμε μια εικόνα σημαντικής συνοχής και συνέχειας στις μαρφές παραγωγής και κατανάλωσης από την Eποχή του Xαλκού στην Eποχή του Σισήρου. H εμφάνιση και εισαγωγή αγγείων κοκκινωπού πηλού με μαρμαρυγία (εισικά η ομάσα 4) (συμπίπτει με έναν αριθμό άλλων στοιχείων που σείχνουν εκτενέστερες εξωτερικές επαφές της Kνωσού κατά τα τελευταία χρόνια του 9ου αιώνα π.X. Aυτές οικαινοτομίες φαίνεται να συσχετίςονται, αν και η συςήτηση αναφορικά με τη σημασία τους συνεχίςεται.

This paper presents the results of a multipronged approach to the study of the Hellenistic and Early Roman ceramic oil lamps excavated at the Agora of Nea Paphos in Cyprus. The assemblage was studied macroscopically, and selected samples were analysed through WD-XRF spectroscopy and thin section petrography, combined with refiring tests. The integrated results revealed that local production changed through time in terms of lamp shapes, manufacturing techniques and clay recipes, while imported lamps originated from a range of sources. The transformations seen in the local production correlate with changes in the origin of imported lamp supply and the impact of other centres on the local lamp manufacture. These patterns in production and supply could be most likely associated with political transformations and urban development.

One of the goals of the Vrokastro Survey Project, based in west-central Mirabello, eastern Crete, was to identify a site within the boundaries of the survey study area worthy of further investigation, including excavation. The settlement selected, based on its complexity and long lifespan, was Priniatikos Pyrgos, a harbour community and ‘gateway’ of the Vrokastro region. As a preliminary to excavation, the Istron Geoarchaeological Project was initiated in order to document the nature, condition, and resources of this site and its coastal environment. This multidisciplinary program was implemented through fieldwork, laboratory analyses, and geophysical prospection. Results include new data concerning the industrial aspects of Priniatikos Pyrgos, the changing topographical situation of the site and coastal zone, the overall size of this diachronic harbor settlement, and the regional resources involved in ceramic and metallurgical production.

At the turn of the nineteenth century there arose an interest in the origin and development of the Minoan larnax. After many years of research it is understandable that we find the views published at that time inadequately furnished with arguments. The scholars of the past investigated only some selected questions, because their studies were prompted by the finding of a single tomb containing larnakes, as when in 1890 the larnakes at Pentamodi and Vasilika Anogeia were discovered, and P. Orsi published a study on the origin of the chest-larnax. Nevertheless in the early stage of these studies no one could imagine that the coffin chest was a shape of short duration and one which was introduced into burial rites rather late. This is of some importance for the study of the origin of the chest-larnax.

There is the very interesting problem of the theoretical background of the views expressed at that time, which we shall here pass briefly in review. The opinions published at the time were influenced by a general theory of culture which was rather vaguely accepted by scholars. The three main ideas were as follows (1) the theory of diffusion, (2) the belief in the evolutionary development of society, and (3) a supposition that there existed an interconnection of shape, plan, and to some degree of furnishing between grave and house.

To the account of this well and of the objects found in it the following additions should be made.

A. There is one fragment of a funnel-shaped rhyton in stone from Mycenae in the National Museum at Athens. It is fluted and well-polished, and was found by Tsountas in his excavations on the acropolis (Athens Nat. Mus., No. 2669, height ·07, width ·065, thickness ·02 m.). A fragment of another was found in the Palace in 1923, see below, p. 183.

In a series of soundings made in the West Court of the palace at Knossos by John D. Evans in 1969, three basement rooms of an EM IIA building were uncovered almost directly beneath the pavement of the West Court. A rich and homogeneous deposit of pottery came from these rooms, associated yard levels to the west, and fill above. Certain features, such as the pattern-burnished stemmed goblets, put the West Court House pottery at the very beginning of the EM II sequence at Knossos. A discussion of the stratification and architecture of the West Court House is followed by a representative selection of the pottery. The West Court House not only adds to our knowledge of the EM IIA settlement at Knossos, but also provides new evidence for contacts with the rest of Crete and the Aegean.

Nowadays new country tracks are constantly being opened all over the Greek countryside, as demanded by the general mechanization of agricultural work. This is at once the hope and despair of the archaeologist in charge of the area as it often reveals and sometimes destroys antiquities otherwise completely buried and unsuspected.

A new country track of this kind following the foot of the northern slope of the Anemospiliara Hill just to the west of the loftier Petsophas at Palaikastro ran very near the top of the side of a curious round construction with burnt edges, a small section of which was barely visible below a thick bush of prinos (Plate 1). The area, known as Στῶν Μανϱοκουκουλήδων οἱ πεζοῦλες, is about 400 metres from the sea and 300 metres SE of the excavated parts of the Minoan town of Palaikastro at Roussolakkos. From it there is a splendid view over the whole site and the small bay of Palaikastro, with the trapezoidal Kastri Hill dominating the horizon in the background (map Fig. 1).

Excavation and research in the Cyclades in the last thirty years have added substantially to the body of evidence for the Late Bronze Age in the islands. Whilst much of the excavated material is not yet fully published, our understanding of the culture and history of the LC period has been considerably extended. Below, I review this evidence and make some suggestions as to its interpretation.

The excavations at Antissa took place between May 29 and July 3. The most important area was that of the apsidal buildings, AC, but further exploration was carried out in the tombs south and south-east of the Acropolis, and tests were made on the promontory and the coast east of the promontory.

The working party consisted of myself, Miss Six and Mr. J. K. Brock for the duration of the dig, together with Mr. R. Cook for the last fortnight. Mr. Brock was in charge of the excavation of AC, and many of his notes and conclusions are incorporated in this report. Mr. Paraskevaïdes, Ephor of Antiquities, was present for four of the five weeks, and gave us invaluable help in archaeological and business matters. We would like to take this opportunity of expressing our gratitude to Professor Oikonomos for the many facilities provided for us at the National Museum.

A not unprofitable search among the manuscripts of the British Museum for travellers' accounts of Cyzicus and its neighbourhood, has persuaded me that an annotated list of those manuscripts which deal with Levantine geography may be a useful contribution to the bibliography of travel. It is needless to say that this paper has no palaeographical pretensions; such points as the dates of handwriting have been for the most part supplied me by Mr. J. A. Herbert, to whom I am also indebted for much other assistance.

The MSS. I have examined fall generally into one of three rough classes:—

(1) Isolarii and accounts of individual Aegean islands.

(2) Voyages and travels to Constantinople.

(3) Travels in Asia Minor.

Accepting the prevailing view which holds that the battle of Oinoe took place during the Pentekontaetea, this paper attempts answers to the triple problem raised thereby: A. The Artistic: is it likely that (as Pausanias alleges) the Stoa Poikile contained among its other paintings, all (so far as we know) scenes from the glorious epic or near-epic past, a picture showing a recent battle against the Lacedaemonians? It is argued that the other pictures usually cited in comparison are not analogous, and the contemporary evidence of Aeschylus and Herodotus is invoked to suggest that more probably the painting showed a mythical subject harmonizing with the rest, although admittedly commemorating a recent campaign (as perhaps the rest did also). B. The Historical: when did this battle take place? It would seem to fit best into Thucydides' narrative of the Pentekontaetea if it is set shortly after the battle of Oinophyta; it could even, perhaps, be included in the exploits of the general Tolmides. C. The Historiographic: why does this battle survive only in the record of Pausanias? Thucydides' silence cannot be satisfactorily explained. But a confusion, perhaps made by Ephoros, in the account of Oinophyta could explain why there is no reference—at least, no direct reference—to Oinoe by any later historian. Pausanias evidently knew it from a bare tradition preserved by successive antiquarian writers, or guides, in their descriptions of the two monuments which commemorated the victory, the painting in Athens and the bronze group at Delphi.

The bridges that served the city of Sparta are known to us from archaeological evidence, inscriptions, and references in the historical sources. These are brought together to examine changes in the activity of bridge-building from the Archaic to Byzantine periods. The conclusions from this analysis are associated with the findings of the Laconia Survey. Some topographical issues arising from the survey results are also examined.

Basic to a study of the Knossos sealings are questions of provenance and identification. Seal-impressed nodules were excavated from various parts of the Main Palace and its dependencies, both as isolated finds and as hoards. What sealings were found in which places? And how many can be identified with actual examples in Herakleion and Oxford? Those are the two questions to be considered in this article.

The documents available for this research vary in reliability. Among published accounts, reports in BSA have the virtue of being written in the same year as the excavation, though even they are subject to occasional errors arising out of misread notes. SM i compiled a few years later contains a more mature assessment of the material but is mainly limited to the Hieroglyphic Deposit. More detailed information is to be found in PM i–iv; but because of the time that elapsed between the important excavation seasons at the beginning of the century and the publication of this work, the advantage of Evans's greater experience of Minoan archaeology is outweighed by a greater tendency for mistakes to enter unnoticed.