It is ironic that the United States, a nation purportedly born, out of revolution, should he so naive in its understanding and reticent in its recognition of other indigenous uprisings and nationalist aspirations. In the post-World War II era, no area has experienced more political upheaval than the continent of Africa. The rejection of colonialism within a wave of nationalist insurgency has produced no less than forty independent states. North Africa, in particular, provides a faithful reflection of the road to independence for the whole of Africa. The four Muslim states have attained sovereignty through United Nations supervision, French concessionary reluctance, and bloody civil war. Yet, in all cases, the United States belatedly withheld sympathetic diplomatic action.

American political insensitivity toward the Maghrib is evidenced by the scarcity of published materials on United States-North African relations. Perhaps if American interests in the area were only the product of the post-1945 period, this historiographical inadequacy could be excused within the argument of unfamiliarity and other foreign priorities. Yet the argument would be a shallow one. The United States has enjoyed deep-rooted, though irregular, historical connections with North Africa both before and during the colonial period. Although material on United States relations with North Africa, 1776-1945, centers on only a handful of topics, those sources of contact alone would partially invalidate the specious excuse of unfamiliarity and irrelevance which ethnocentric scholars raise.

The General Assembly of the United Nations passed two conflicting resolutions on the Korean question at its thirtieth session in 1975. One was sponsored by the United States, Japan, and 24 pro-western countries, and the other by the Soviet Union, China, and 41 pro-eastern countries. The pro-eastern proposal demanded the dismantling of the United Nations Command and the withdrawal of all foreign forces under the United Nations flag by 1 January, 1976. The pro-western proposal concurred, on the condition that the parties directly concerned came to a new agreement which will replace the existing truce agreement before the withdrawal of the United Nations forces. The pro-western proposal was supported by eight black African countries, and the pro-eastern proposal by 26 black African countries.

The Korean question is the oldest cold war issue debated in the United Nations. Since it was brought to the United Nations in the wake of the Korean war in 1950, it has been debated and voted on in the General Assembly almost every year (see Goodrich, 1956; U. S. Department of State, 1960; Cho, 1967).

The purpose of this paper is to investigate, through a case study approach, the nature of African non-alignment and the African perception of the cold war, especially as related to divided countries. I will first review how the diplomatic relations between newly independent African states and North and South Korea have developed, and next explore how African countries have been voting on the Korean question in the United Nations. Finally, I will discuss the implications of the relationships between the two Koreas and African countries, both in and out of the United Nations.

This bibliography attempts to list all known theses on sub-Saharan Africa accepted by the University of California at Berkeley, and catalogued by the University Library through January, 1969. The earliest item is dated 1914. The list was compiled from a card file of theses arranged by academic department which is maintained by the Library's General Reference Service.

The availability of theses on interlibrary loan is indicated by symbols following the number of leaves (L) in the thesis. An asterisk indicates that the Library has catalogued more than one copy of a title, and that the second copy may be borrowed on interlibrary loan. The symbol # indicates that the Library's Graduate Social Science branch has an uncatalogued copy of the thesis which may be borrowed. Absence of these symbols indicates that the title is not available on interlibrary loan. Photocopies of all M.A. and those Ph.D. these completed before September, 1962 may be purchased from the Library's Photographic Service; those Ph.D. theses from September, 1962 on, from University Microfilms, Inc.

The bibliography is in two parts. The first part contains those items which cover more than one country, and is divided into General, Central Africa, East Africa, and West Africa; the second part, arranged by country (present name), lists those titles dealing with only one political unit.

In this article an attempt is made to achieve three separate but complementary tasks. First, to make a contribution to the ethnography of the rural Hausa of northern Nigeria. Although considerable attention has been paid to the historical development of the centralized emirate systems which provide the overarching framework for the organization of Hausa society (see for example Smith: 1960), comparatively little attention has been paid to the lower levels of Hausa political organization especially in the rural areas where 90 percent of the Hausa live. A notable exception to this neglect of the rural Hausa is the outstanding contribution made by Polly Hill (1972 and 1977), who in her introduction (1972: xiv) states her insistence that “rural (Nigerian) Hausaland is … the great under-explored region of West Africa.” Hill, however, concentrates her effort mainly on economic life and the more directly political aspects receive relatively little attention.

Secondly, this article seeks to examine critically the relationship between the political structure existing in the village and the various, seemingly contradictory, ways in which the inhabitants describe it. It shall be suggested that at several critical points the structure is ambivalent and exhibits a variety of tensions which pull it in different directions. It shall be further suggested that the divergent descriptions of the structure given by informants are, in fact, an ideological representation of these (empirical) tensions. As such they are individually partial, both in the sense of being incomplete and in the sense of representing particular configurations of interest.

Thirdly, to suggest some explanations for the tenacity of these traditional institutions and the continuance of the traditional leadership patterns as the major political force in Hausa village life. In doing this it shall be argued that to attempt an explanation in terms of autochthonous village equilibrium dynamics cannot really answer the problem. Rather, it is only by placing this microcosm in the context of the Nigerian political and social systems as a whole that the basic lack of major change can be fully understood.

Over thirty years ago a Nuer said to me: ‘We do not want what you Turks call progress. We are free men. All we want is to be left alone.’ (Jackson, 1955: 150)

This brief essay sketches an outline of the social history of small towns and their role in transforming the social and physical environment of the pastoral Nilotes of the southern Sudan. In broad terms, it is a review of historical and ethnographic facts which have a wider currency in pre-colonial Black Africa. I am less concerned, however with the detailed peculiarities of this centuries-long Nilotic experience, than with an understanding of how unintended circumstances have, over time, engendered the many problems imposed upon local peoples in the contemporary world.

The increasingly common dependence on history for anthropology emerges clearly in the course of these remarks and observations. In the effort to highlight process rather than detail, the paper begins with some relevant observations written by 19th century travellers in the region, authorities in their own time who through their writings, invited and encouraged more intensive European occupation of these territories. Clearly, their observations on the effects of alien exploitation in the southern Sudan were not intended to serve this end, yet the 19th century sources offer muted echoes of the more recent observation by Southall (1979: 213) that “Most small towns [in Africa] appear as the lowest rung of systems for the oppression and exploitation of rural peoples.” A corollary to this insight is the obvious fact that small towns have been a vital resource for those in a position to oppress and exploit.

Development does not occur at the same rate everywhere. The resultant unequal distribution of development concerns planners throughout the world. A variety of spatial investment strategies which affect the development pattern have been proposed. They range from the dispersed, equality oriented investment of Tanzania's ujamaa to the primate city concentration of Ivory Coast's efficiency oriented “African Riviera” project in Abidjan. Most countries throughout the world have sought a middle course—one of “deconcentrated concentration”—in an attempt to balance efficiency and equality considerations. Specifically they have chosen to invest their development capital in “growth centers”—urban areas that have a high potential for generating development in their immediate area and throughout their region. This policy prescription is based on the optimistic belief that development generated in the urban center will spread to the hinterlands of the region.

Kenya has explicitly incorporated a policy of growth centers into their Development Plans. That the country's planners subscribe to the belief of positive spread effects is evident in the following Plan statements:

The interdependence between rural and urban areas grows in the process of development and with it comes the enhancement of the role of the town as the producer of goods and services and the consumer of agricultural production. This interaction leads to cumulative self-sustaining growth (Kenya, 1974a: 114).

Rural life cannot be complete without towns any more than towns can be complete without access to the countryside, and it will be an objective of Government policy to promote the growth of a number of towns to a size where they are large enough to provide the people of the surrounding districts with many of the facilities and amenities available in a modern city (Kenya, 1969: 15).

The hearts of many cities in Nigeria are like islands of poverty in seas of relative affluence. It does not require professional skill in environmental perception to note the difference between the residential, environmental, and the overall physical structure of the central parts of Lagos and Ibadan, for example, and their suburbs. Well-designed and relatively well-maintained neighbourhoods in the suburbs and in the newer sections of these cities are inhabited by the affluent, the middle-class, and the privileged. At the other polar end are the majority of urbanites— citizens massing themselves in the unkempt and often squalid hearts of the cities, living under conditions that are at times sub-human and sharing sub-standard houses in areas which, by any standard, are slums. Unfortunately, concern over the slums, on the part of the privileged, the public authorities, and the citizens themselves, is insignificant. There has been much talking, much academic analysis, and much propaganda, but little or no action. Hence there has been little accomplishment and hardly any change in the plight of the low-income people who are directly bearing the brunt of the urban problems.

Many academicians, both nationals and expatriates, have drawn attention to the multi-dimensionality of the urban problems facing Nigeria (see Bascom 1955; Lloyd 1960; Mitchel 1962; Miner 1960; Herskivits 1930, 1962; Mabogunje 1961, 1962ab; United Nations Economic Commission for Africa 1962). Most of their studies, however, have been confined to general description of the ugly urban phenomena, to historical emergence of slums, and to geographical and sociological analyses of the urban problems.

As the Portuguese crept cautiously along the western coast of Africa, they met a dizzying multiplicity of African cultures but nowhere did they encounter an economic vacuum. Since their primary interest was trade (pious disclaimers to the contrary), they had to discover and then adapt to local and interregional patterns of exchange before they could hope to exploit them to their advantage.

The two centuries between the discovery of Capo Blanco and adjacent Arguim Island in 1443 and the fall of Elmina to the Dutch in 1640 circumscribe the period of Portuguese hegemony and the opening phase of European-African interaction. Though other Europeans followed close on their heels, it was the Portuguese who pioneered both physically and commercially. Ships might put in almost anywhere along the coast where they could find a safe anchorage, but there were five regions that from the beginning seemed to promise profitable and convenient trading contacts: Arguim, Senegambia and the “Rivers of the South,” the Gold Coast, Benin and the Slave Rivers, and Congo-Angola. Each of these presented a different situation and each demanded a different response.

These regions have been the subject of specialized monographs which have brought out the local characteristics of trade as they evolved, but there has been no attempt at an overview, no attempt to compare and generalize from the data now available to present a larger picture of trading patterns on the West Coast of Africa as a whole.

Students interested in the history of Liberia have been hampered by the dearth of serious studies on Africa's first republic. With few noteworthy exceptions, published works on Liberia can be grouped into two rather broad categories. The first consists of works which tend to be too journalistic in concept and execution to satisfy the demands of serious scholarship. The second includes a variety of memoir-like collections of reminiscences and observations recorded by individuals stationed at one time or another in Liberia while engaged in educational, missionary, or developmental programs. Much of the published material in both categories is useful, and indeed quite valuable, for it provides a good deal of information not readily found elsewhere. Yet, while informative, these books do not constitute a body of scholarly work which the serious student of West Africa would wish to have available.

One work which must have a place on the relatively brief list of trust-worthy books of reference relating to Liberia is the exhaustive compilation of basic documents prepared by the distinguished international jurist, C. H. Huberich. Paradoxically, it appears that it was this important work which discouraged many historians from searching further for basic source materials, for Huberich noted that most official Liberian documents were destroyed during a violent storm in Monrovia. Writers on Liberian affairs who accepted Huberich's statement as the final word on the subject seem not to have attempted to utilize unpublished Liberian government papers in their research. Even those researchers who have, in recent years, had sufficient interest to probe into this alleged disappearance of the Liberian archives, or who were desirous of determining the extent of archival materials which might have survived the disaster, were undoubtedly discouraged by ambiguous replies from Monrovia in response to their inquiries.

The role of Algerian women in their own society has rarely been what it has seemed. Outside observers have often indulged in generalizations based on a lack of understanding, in judgments represented by only partial truths. David Gordon's recent pronouncement (1968) that “women are the serfs of Algerian society” is, for example, a fair enough description of the position of the majority, but it is, in the end, no more accurate than Jacques Berque's (1967) axion that “there were not even any bastards” produced by the temporary sexual relations between Algerians and European settlers in the 1930s. What is quite clear is that women have played and continue to play important roles in Algerian society although they have always suffered definite legal, social, and cultural disadvantages that have not been essentially changed by independence.

Historically, Algerian women have enjoyed more freedom than is usually admitted by Western authors. In rural areas women were allowed to go about daily routines without hiding. Only in cities was the wearing of the veil normal, and even this practice can be easily explained. Germaine Tillion's interesting and convincing interpretation (1964) on this issue comes to mind: the practice of wearing a veil in countries bordering the southern shores of the Mediterranean is simply an attempt of basically nomadic peoples to maintain privacy in the crowded cities. Nor is this custom unique; Spanish women wear black, a practice that serves much the same purpose as the veil in Muslim lands.