Across the central area of Ibo country, in the Eastern Region of Nigeria, is a thickly populated belt in which population growth has rarely resulted in the development of compact urban or quasi-urban centres, except under exceptional, generally modern, conditions. Typically, the population is spread so evenly throughout the palm-forest that it is difficult to believe that concentrations of over 1,000 persons per square mile are now quite commonplace. The population of Mba-Ise is 186,300 in only about 167 square miles, with a migrant population elsewhere of about 30,000. This type of settlement has put a special imprint on social organization in the area, and some of the interrelationships between lineage, territorial organization, and other kinds of groupings are indicated in this article.

In a recent article, Westphal has drawn attention to two important points which are in danger of being forgotten in attempts at linguistic classification:

1. Phonetic and phonological, lexical, morphological, and other relationships may differ as between the languages being compared. ‘Thus if we say two languages are related, we usually mean something more specific, e.g. they are phonologically related, they are morphologically related, they are lexically related, etc.’

2. In attempting to determine ‘genetic’ relationship, we should be careful not to speak about any language as if there were always only one ‘parent’. Not only may there be more than one ‘ancient language’ involved, but these may have come into the ‘family tree’ at different historical periods, so that one language or group of languages may have evolved from the impingement of one or more other language types upon a substratum. Languages that are of mixed origin in this sense are probably more common than has been suspected, and it would be possible to classify any such language (or group) in a number of different ways according to the different criteria mentioned under (1) above. Even on the plane of lexical relationships, the recent discussions on the position of the ‘Nilo-Hamitic’ languages show that reasonable claims for the ‘Niloticism’ or ‘Hamiticism’ of these languages can be made, the point at issue resolving itself into a statistical one of percentages of words related to one or other of the two Larger Units, Nilotic and Hamitic.

Anthropological research in Africa has been characterized by an intensive, microethnographic approach, which has stressed the understanding of institutional arrangements and their functioning within a given society; and, exceptionally, the analysis of custom in depth. Comparisons have been eschewed, while the broader distributional studies that played an important role in the earlier researches of anthropologists in North America and Polynesia, in Africa have been all but lacking in the scientific literature. The result has typically been the ethnographic monograph rather than the ethnological or ethnohistorical study.

A significant aspect of the newly developed towns of Central and Southern Africa is the degree to which social relationships in certain situations are being organized in terms of social strata. It is not always easy, however, to secure data on the nature of the system of stratification—there are, in fact, very few substantial studies available. One method of approach, which promises to be fruitful, is through the study of the ranking of occupations by their social prestige. This method has the advantage that the techniques are fairly simple. They can be applied at successive times, thus yielding some measure of change, and they can be applied at different places, thus yielding comparative material.

In this article I present an outline account of the ritual associated with the kingship of the interlacustrine Bantu kingdom of Bunyoro, in western Uganda. At the same time I attempt to analyse this material in terms of the categories both of Nyoro thought and of social anthropology. My information is drawn from the scattered accounts and references in the various writings about Bunyoro, rather than from my own field investigations, which in this department of Nyoro culture were not extensive. My assumption is that an anthropological approach based on some knowledge of Nyoro culture as a whole may make the available data more intelligible and more readily comparable with analogous material from elsewhere than it has been hitherto. This, rather than an exhaustive ethnographical account, is the aim of this article.

Because within the area we indicate by shading on the map the !Kung Bushmen intermarry among themselves, by custom and preference, members of the Harvard Peabody Smithsonian Kalahari Expeditions needed a convenient way of referring to that area as a unit and arbitrarily called it the region of Nyae Nyae.

Nyae Nyae is a corruption of the !Kung name //Nua!ei. The name Nyae Nyae refers strictly to a group of pans in South West Africa (S.W.A.) centred approximately at Gautscha Pan at about 19° 48′ 30″ S, 20° 34′ 36″ E. We extend the application of the name to an area around the pans of about 10,000 square miles, lying for the most part in S.W.A. but reaching some miles over the border of the Bechuanaland Protectorate (B.P.). There are no strictly conceived boundaries around the area. We can only vaguely define it by saying that it does not include Karakuwise to the west or Chadum to the north. It does not, we think, reach eastward much farther than Kai Kai, or southward much beyond Blaubush Pan (40 or 50 miles south of Gam).

While I was doing fieldwork in the Tikar chiefdom of Nsaw in Bamenda (Southern Cameroons) for short periods during 1945–6, 1947–8, and again in 1958, one of the main topics of conversation was the long-standing dispute between the Fon (Chief) of Nsaw and a succession of men who had held the title of Fai wo Ndzendzef. Fai wo Ndzendzef is the most senior of the state councillors (vibai; sing. kibai), and may be described as the Great Councillor. By virtue of his office he is the most senior man in his own patrilineage and acts as lineage head. His title is vested in his lineage which forms part of a clan said to have originated a number of generations ago from Mbot, in what is now the Nkambe Division to the north of Nsaw.

In 1894 the military power of one of West Africa's most highly centralized kingdoms was broken. Six years later the last representative of the Fon dynasty which had ruled from Abomey since the early seventeenth century was deposed and exiled. Immediately after the conquest of Abomey by the French, the kingdom, somewhat reduced in area, was administered as a colonial protectorate. Attempts to rule through an indigenous paramountcy were not new in French West Africa: similar experiments were made in Senegal and in the Futa Jallon. But, compared with these better-known examples, Dahomey lacks a detailed account of administrative practice in its protectorates and a treatment of the nature of Abomey kingship at a time when the local authority structure was being reappraised by Europeans. The quick demise of an institution that had flourished for about 300 years and excited the wonder of traders and travellers calls for some explanation. How much of the Fon dynasty's fiscal and religious functions survived its loss of police powers, and by what methods did French administrators take its place?

Part of the answer to these questions lies in the decline of Abomey control of coastal trade in the years immediately preceding the conquest—a factor, indeed, which aroused the dynasty to desperate measures and occasioned French military intervention. The rest of the explanation is to be found in the contradiction between ‘protectorate’, as administrative policy, and the administrative practice of French officials at Abomey.

In this discussion of the forms of Hausa social placement I wish to direct attention to the important sociological problems connected with status distribution. The Hausa afford excellent illustrative material for this purpose since their society, which lays great stress on status, is neither tribal nor modern but roughly midway between these extremes.

This paper describes a magico-religious practice among the Adanme of the southeastern plains of Ghana. The investigations were carried out during the period 1951 to 1957, mainly among the Krobo, who represent the largest division of the group. But references will also be made to the neighbouring Adarjme-speaking tribes, viz. the Osu, the Sɛ (Shai) and the Nīgo, from whom some comparative data were obtained. No specific information was collected from the coastal areas on this particular point.

Among a number of interlacustrine Bantu languages the nominal prefix is commonly of a shape V1CV2 (vowel, consonant, vowel). It is convenient to refer to V1 as the ‘initial vowel’ of the prefix, even where—as in Class 9—the prefix comprises only a single vowel or a vowel followed by a nasal. In certain contexts the prefix has been noted to occur without this initial vowel, and while no full study of such contexts has yet been made, the recently published Luganda Grammar establishes a number of practical rules for the omission of the ‘Initial Vowel’. Here, there is a reference to the ‘…loss of the I(nitial) V(owel)…to distinguish certain nouns when indicating close personal relationships…’, but there is no further reference to the important series of contexts provided by kinship terminology.

Any associate or employer of Africans is aware of a great diversity of forenames among them; this habit has been discussed by Jackson for Southern Rhodesia, and for Northern Rhodesia in two papers by Munday. It is these last which this note is intended to supplement by giving quantitative examples and drawing attention to one or two further aspects of the subject.

The Temne of the Northern Province of Sierra Leone are second only to the Mende in the Protectorate, numbering over half a million and inhabiting some 10,500 square miles of land. In general, they are culturally similar to their neighbours, especially in their possession of a number of societies, some secret, some not, which play integral roles in their lives. Of the societies found in this westernmost section of the Guinea Coast area, the Bundu or Sande for women and the Poro for men have been described by various writers for a number of groups. The emphasis placed on these two societies in the literature is justifiable in view of their multi-tribal geographic distribution, their general membership embracing most of the adult population and much of the adolescent segment in the groups where they are found, and the important functions they serve. In addition, however, there are a number of societies in this general area which, although they have a more restricted area distribution and less general membership, nevertheless also serve important functions for one or more groups. Such a society is the Ragbenle, also known as Maneke, which is centred in the eastern section of Temne country, where it is closely connected with the chiefs, particularly in conducting the ceremonies associated with their death, burial, selection, instruction, and installation, and, in addition, purifies violators of incest prohibitions, heals the chief and anyone else seeking help, divines witches, and provides other supernatural services. The purpose of this paper is to consider the membership of the society in terms of both supernatural and human members, and its functions in various aspects of Temne life.

The material for this paper was collected while making a general ethnographic study of the Wolof people in the Saloum districts of the Gambia and neighbouring Senegalese villages in 1950–1. The extraordinary concern of the Gambian Wolof with ‘witches’ soon became evident when discussing and observing many ‘distinct’ aspects of their way of life. The object of this paper is twofold: to describe not only emotional reactions to ‘witches’, but to give an account of the behaviour ascribed to them, and the techniques for coping with their attacks; some functions and dysfunctions of these beliefs and practices will then be discussed.

Thonga migrant labour has played a strategic role in the development of the Union of South Africa's economy, especially its mining industry. In 1954 there was a known total of 173,433 Moçambique labourers at work in the Union. Of these, 110,716 were employed in the mines, while 62,717 were employed in other industries and services (Anuário Estatistica, 1955, p. 131). This army of workers is drawn almost entirely from the region of Moçambique south of parallel 22° S., from among the Tonga-Shangaan peoples and the ethno-linguistically related Chope, Lenge, and Tonga of Inhambane. Although many of the motives and consequences of the Thonga emigration are shared by the migratory streams which emanate from other areas of Southern Africa and flow to the industrial heart of the Union, there are a number of circumstances connected with the movement of the Thonga which are not duplicated elsewhere.