This chapter focuses on the Noncooperation Movement (1920–1922) and, in particular, the role played by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. The NCM was the largest political movement for swaraj that India had ever seen. As the leader of this movement, Gandhi would demand noncooperators refuse mercy, and if necessary, sacrifice their lives in pursuit of political freedom. For Gandhi, it was only by reclaiming the right to die a political death that the satyagrahi could finally escape the label of the criminal and the category of rebellion. The chapter studies the place of mercy in Gandhian thought by paying close attention to his response to the Amritsar Massacre, his public speeches and writings, and his performance in his trial for sedition in 1922. As I argue, by embracing guilt and rejecting mercy, Gandhi threatened to finally explode the political conditions upon which imperial sovereignty had been organized.

Taking shelter from an especially heavy monsoon deluge one June afternoon in 2014, I sat with a group of female sex workers in Abinaash Clinic (Abinaash), listening to their sukh-dukhher galpo (stories of everyday life). All of them were members of the Durbar Mahila Samanwaya Committee (Durbar), a grassroots sex-worker organization in Sonagachi, and peer educators (PEs) in the HIV/AIDS prevention program launched by the All India Institute of Hygiene and Public Health in 1992. As we passed around each other's tiffin boxes to share lunch, sitting in a circle on a madur (floor mat made of madurkathi reed), a commotion of voices floated upwards from the ground floor. Rama-di, suspecting that there was a problem, sprang to her feet and ran down the stairs. We could hear her voice, but it was not legible. As was usual in emerging situations like this, all of us ran down the stairs to join other sex workers and office staff who had already assembled. At the center of the commotion were two women, both dressed in a ‘nighty’ (a cotton house-gown) with a red and blue checked gamchha (cotton towel) laid over their chests like a dupatta (a long piece of cloth worn by women to cover their breasts). I recognized the older woman, Namita-di, as one of the malkins (brothel owners) whom I had met a year ago. She was very agitated as she spoke to Purnima-di, a retired sex worker and then the director of the Self-Regulatory Board (Board), Durbar's anti-trafficking initiative. However, it was difficult to follow the thread of the conversation since Namita-di often broke down and the other women stepped in to comfort her.

In between her weeping, she repeatedly said, “Meye tuley niye gechhey” (They took the girl away). Once she had calmed down, she gradually pieced her story together:

The first chapter contains an overview of what is accepted as good practice. We review several general ethical guidelines. These can be used to appreciate good research and to indicate where and how research does not adhere to them. Good practice is “what we all say we (should) adhere to.” In the second part of this chapter, the focus is more on specific ethical guidelines for statistical analysis. Of course, there is overlap with the more general guidelines, but there are also a few specifically relevant to statistics: Examples are misinterpreting p values and malpractice such as p hacking and harking.

This chapter will guide a candidate in the shoulder and elbow core topics that regularly appear in Section 1 of the FRCS(Tr&Orth) exam. The chapter deals with trauma and elective spine questions. High quality clinical based SBA questions that provide up to date information, higher order SBA questions and detailed explanations along with an evidence based approach to the most appropriate answer.

In practice it often happens that forecasts from econometric models are manually adjusted. There can be good reasons for this. Foreseeable structural changes can be incorporated. Recent changes in data, in measurement or in the relevance of variables, can be addressed. A main issue with manual adjustment is that the end user of a forecast needs to know why someone modified a forecast and, next, how that forecast was changed. This should therefore be documented. We discuss an example to show that one may also need to know specific details of econometric models, here growth curves, to understand that even a seemingly harmless adjustment by a priori fixing the point of inflection leads to any result that you would like. In this chapter we discuss why people manually adjust forecasts. We discuss the optimal situation when it comes to adjustment and the experience with manual adjustment so far. A plea is made to consider model-based adjustment of model forecasts, thus allowing for a clear understanding of how and why adjustment was made.

Centred on the celebrated inset mirror of the Arnolfini double portrait, the chapter considers the rich evidence of fifteenth-century Flemish painting’s depictions of inset mirrors and the larger cultural histories that pertain to them, including the early Renaissance guilds that governed their artistic production. It highlights the relationship between painting and the heraldic arts of the period, comprising lustrous armorial metalwork alongside glass mirror manufacture, to suggest a broader context of reflective arts surrounding the representation of mirrors in painting.

In Chapter 6, we present our reconceptualization of organizational control. We discuss four fundamental shifts in organizations – from face-to-face work to remote work; from stable, full-time work to alternative work arrangements; from human managers to algorithmic control; and from traditional to platform-mediated gig work – and discuss the impact of these shifts on organizational control. Our reconceptualization consists of both a conceptual part, where we advance a configurational approach to model the causal complexity inherent in organizational control, and an empirical part, where we present exemplary archetypes of control configurations across a variety of twenty-first-century organizations, including US trucking companies, GitLab, Amazon warehouses, Uber, and Upwork.

Eusebius preserved valuable traditions of Papias going back to St. John concerning the origins of the gospels of Mark and of Matthew. Before writing the Greek gospels we have, between AD 42 and 46, Mark made an unordered notebook of Peter’s memoirs about Jesus, and Matthew arranged Jesus’s words and deeds into an integrated narrative in Hebrew. These drafts were for private circulation among close acquaintances and were never published. Matthew’s could have served as a memory prop for the apostles’ oral deliveries in missionary situations. It probably informed the triple tradition behind the synoptic gospels.

Although our developing discussion focuses on Christology and genetics, it inevitably connects with two larger bodies of information: all major Christian doctrines and the whole array of life sciences. Classical Christology is central in the entire web of orthodox Christian doctrine, while evolutionary genetics is now fundamental to all the sciences that study life. At relevant points, then, essential orthodox Christian doctrines and key findings of the biological sciences will come into play. Furthermore, the interaction of Christology and genetics we seek depends on how we understand the broader Christianity–science relationship. Of course, various ways of looking at the Christianity–science relationship have developed over the centuries since the birth of modern science.

Chapter 1 outlines and discusses the issues and challenges early career teachers are faced with at different times in their first five years of teaching. Next, the chapter outlines the aims of the book and why it is important.