Singing may be a relative strength for people with dementia, yet little is known of how individuals leverage it as a communicative resource in everyday interaction. This study analyzes how Dan, a man living with vascular dementia, modifies lyrics based on prior talk and the physical environment during interactions with his wife, Morgan. Using Conversation Analysis, I describe the emergent structure of his singing and what it accomplishes. Dan uses singing to do a range of interactional jobs (such as complimenting, complaining, and requesting), and his lyrics are susceptible to evaluation based on their construction and relevance to previous talk. Both participants treat his singing as humorous and creative wordplay, but the laughability of his singing is contingent on how he modifies the formulaic lyrics based on the current discursive context. Thus, singing is a way in which Dan situationally constructs himself as a funny, clever, and sociable person. Dan’s singing also indirectly indexes his close relationship with Morgan by assuming her shared musical knowledge. This analysis contributes to the study of identity construction by people with dementia, the understanding of how people adapt to changes in cognition, and the study of the structure and function of singing in everyday interaction.

Although Mo Tianci maintained the ties of vassalage that his father had forged with the Nguyễn, Cochinchina only constituted one important foundation of his rule. He continued The Port’s traditional subordination to Cambodia and actually increased his involvement in the kingdom. He backed a ruler that leaned toward Cochinchina’s rival, Siam. After a succession struggle during the mid-1750s, Tianci emerged as the real power behind the throne. He forged a partnership with Batavia, presenting himself as an Austronesian principality within the sphere of influence of the Dutch East India Company (VOC). He also integrated The Port with the Chinese community of Batavia. The grandson of the city’s Chinese kapitan took charge of the Qing merchants at The Port, and a translocal justice system ensured the smooth conduct of trade across maritime East Asia The secret to Tianci’s ability to juggle simultaneous identities and allegiances lay in his understanding and manipulation of the conventions of the Sinosphere and the Southeast Asia mandala system. As a result, he achieved outside recognition of the autonomous status of his realm without the need to declare a formally independent state.

This chapter examines the specific features that made US antitrust and EU competition law particularly conducive to a republican understanding of economic liberty and translated the structural goal of preserving a polycentric market structure into concrete competition policy. It sheds light on how the ideal of republican liberty and the idea of a competition–democracy nexus were given shape through a specific legal modus operandi, such as the structure of legal commands, standards of assessments, and institutional principles. The chapter identifies the (i) extensive use of broadly construed rule-like presumptions of anticompetitiveness, a (ii) possibilist standard of harm, and (iii) a precautionary error–cost framework erring in the case of doubt on the side of over-deterrence (type I errors) as the main channels of republican antitrust in the US and EU. These legal filters can be considered the main parameters or policy levers of a distinctive republican approach towards antitrust law and policy.

Policymakers face many design possibilities when implementing means-adjusted tax compliance rules. This chapter serves as the bridge from theory to legal design. We begin this transition by identifying some of the key design considerations that policymakers should take into account when attempting to introduce means adjustments to the tax compliance rules. In general, we propose means adjustments to certain tax compliance rules that favor high-end taxpayers when they are applied the same to everyone. These adjustments should also be designed to preserve core prerequisites of procedural fairness, and should also include an underpayment-based threshold to exempt less consequential tax offenses from these heightened tax compliance rules.

The hospital industry in many countries is characterized by right-skewed distributions of hospitals’ sizes and varied ownership types, raising numerous questions about the performance of hospitals of different sizes and ownership types. In an era of aging populations and increasing healthcare costs, evaluating and understanding the consumption of resources to produce healthcare outcomes is increasingly important for policy discussions. This chapter discusses recent developments in the statistical and econometric literature on DEA and FDH estimators that can be used to examine hospitals’ technical efficiency and productivity. Use of these new results and methods is illustrated by revisiting the Burgess and Wilson hospital studies of the 1990s to estimate and make inference about the technical efficiency of US hospitals, make inferences about returns to scale and other model features, and test for differences among US hospitals across ownership types and size groups in the context of a rigorous, statistical paradigm that was unavailable to researchers until recently.

For years now, Kerala has had the distinction of being ruled by a communist-partyled coalition. The communist alliance won the first state assembly elections in 1957, lost in 1960, returned to power, and ruled the state in 1967–70 (first under E.M.S. Namboothiripad till 1969 and then under C. Achuthamenon), 1970–77, 1978–79 1980–81, 1987–91, 1996–2001, 2006– 11 and since 2016. In between, there were years when the state was under President's Rule, that is, the federal government governed it. The composition of the left coalition changed. It was never a body consisting of only the ideologically left parties: the Muslim League and some Christian factions allied with the communists. However, the main constituents of the coalition were the Communist Party of India (CPI) until 1964 and the CPI (Marxist), or CPI(M), after the CPI split into two parties.

In no other state of India, except West Bengal (and later Tripura), did the CPI or CPI(M) command a popular support base large enough to win elections. In common with West Bengal, tenants and agricultural labourers in these acutely land-scarce regions formed the main support base for the party. The communists won elections on the promise of land reforms. There was another historic factor behind their popularity. Caste equality movements coalesced around the leftist movement. Because of their commitment to the rural and land-dependent poor, the left delivered land reforms in Kerala and West Bengal in the 1970s. And in both states, ruling left parties indirectly drove private capital out of trade and industry. Ideological differences within the Communist Party of India led to a split in 1964. A faction led by S.A. Dange tended to have cooperation with the Indian National Congress, which then had a good relationship with the Soviet Union. That and the debates on National Bourgeoisie led to the split.

This is not a paradox. The paradox was that from the 1990s, if not earlier, the left quietly turned friendly towards private capital. By then, agriculture was in retreat, the old base of the left was not significant anymore, and the state was rapidly falling behind India in economic growth (and investment rates).

This is a reprinting of Furry’s response to EPR. Although his response misses the mark, his discussion of an example is intriguing for other aspects of the foundations of quantum mechanics.