This paper discusses three typological differences between the North Germanic DP and the West Germanic DP. While North Germanic has suffixal definite articles leading to cases of double definiteness, weak adjective endings regulated by definiteness, and doubly-filled definite DPs, West Germanic does not. These three properties cluster together in that they all have to do with definiteness. It is claimed that they can be subsumed under one more general difference. Assuming various subcomponents of definiteness, it is proposed that these components originate low in the structure. North Germanic arranges these components into several individual feature bundles. Some of these bundles move to D, while others remain lower in the structure. Consequently, definiteness components are spelled out separately in different positions. In contrast, West Germanic involves one complex feature bundle containing all definiteness components. In this language family, all of the components move to D as one bundle and, as a consequence, they are all spelled out as one determiner.
