Tetrahedrite-(Cu), Cu12Sb4S13, has been approved as a new mineral species (IMA2022–078) from the Bankov magnesite deposit near Košice, Slovak Republic where it occurs as anhedral grains, up to 0.4 mm across, associated with skinnerite, chalcostibite, famatinite, tetrahedrite-(Fe) and zoned aggregates of tennantite-(Cu) to tennantite-(Fe). Tetrahedrite-(Cu) is steel-grey, with a metallic lustre. Mohs hardness is ca. 3½–4 and calculated density is 5.029 g.cm–3. In reflected light, tetrahedrite-(Cu) is isotropic and grey with a bluish shade. Reflectance data for the four COM wavelengths in air are [λ (nm): R (%)]: 470: 31.1; 546: 30.1; 589: 29.9; and 650: 28.1. The empirical formula, based on electron-microprobe data (mean of 17 spot analyses), is Cu11.42Zn0.26Fe0.19(Sb4.06As0.08)Σ4.14S12.99. The ideal formula is Cu6(Cu4Cu2)Sb4S13, which requires (in wt.%) Cu 45.76, Sb 29.23 and S 25.01, total 100.00. Tetrahedrite-(Cu) is cubic, I$\bar{4}$3m, with unit-cell parameters a = 10.3296(15) Å, V = 1102.2(5) Å3 and Z = 2. Its crystal structure was refined by single-crystal X-ray diffraction data to a final R1 = 0.0347 on the basis of 261 unique reflections with Fo > 4σ(Fo) and 22 refined parameters. Tetrahedrite-(Cu) is isotypic with other tetrahedrite-group minerals. Previous findings of tetrahedrite-(Cu) are reported and some nomenclature issues, related to the Fe and Cu oxidation states, are discussed. At the Bankov deposit, tetrahedrite-(Cu) is related to hydrothermal, most probably Alpine, solutions strongly enriched in Cu, Sb and S.

By analysing two commemorative events organized shortly before and after the 2010 parliamentary elections in Slovakia, this article demonstrates how the Prime Minister Robert Fico and his collaborators exploited these ceremonies to promote a more inclusive definition of political community than their right-wing counterparts. Although commentators have interpreted the continuous political success of the political party Smer-SD in terms of negatively connotated nationalism and national populism, Fico's discursive framework allows him to address those who have been stigmatized by post-1989 neoliberalism, especially former communists and people unable or unwilling to adapt to the rapid changes brought about by post-socialist social, economic, political as well as cultural transition(s). Instead of backwardness, Fico's anti-elitist and anti-capitalist rhetoric opened a new symbolic universe to these groups. The history narratives that formed an important part of this universe were not used to exclude the Other, but rather to create a meaningful future for those who have been ignored by (neo-)liberal ideals. This paper argues for an interpretation of post-socialist populist parties that would take into account culturally relevant symbolic structures advanced by these parties.