KUB XIX 9, a text dating to the reign of Hattušili III, has long been regarded as an important source of information on the chronology of the reign of Hattušili's grandfather Šuppiluliuma I. The text makes reference to the following events in Šuppiluliuma's career: (1) campaigns in Anatolia, allegedly covering a period of 20 years and devoted to the reconquest of territories lost to Hittite control prior to Šuppiluliuma's accession, (2) a First Syrian War, (3) the appointment of Šuppiluliuma's sons Telipinu and Piyaššili/Šarri-Kušuh as kings in the Lands of Aleppo and Carchemish (respectively), (4) a Second Syrian War, allegedly of 6 years' duration.

The information contained in this document, although not entirely free from problems of interpretation, is to a large extent confirmed and amplified in various other documents relating to Šuppiluliuma's reign. The most notable of these is the so-called Deeds of Šuppiluliuma, a biographical account of Šuppiluliuma's achievements composed by his son Muršili II. However, the usefulness of this document, within the context of a study of the chronology of Šuppiluliuma's reign, is limited by a number of factors.

The funerary architecture of the Imperial period in south-west Anatolia has long been recognized as deserving of attention due to its variety, complexity, and the sheer number of extant tombs. Recently, a preliminary survey at the Pisidian site of Ariassos has revealed the presence of an extensive necropolis containing a large number of well-preserved tombs. One of the best-preserved and most interesting of these tombs is a large funerary monument, a mausoleum, on a tall podium. An analysis of the mausoleum's type, and its probable antecedents, enables us to reconstruct the architectural climate of this provincial city during the Roman Imperial period.

The site of Ariassos, in Pisidia, is located approximately 3 km. south-west of the village of Bademaǧacı, 50 km. north of Antalya, and is today clearly signposted off the main road. The identification of the site has been known since the late nineteenth century, when Ariassos was visited in around 1885 by an Austrian team, under the guidance of K. Lanckoronski; however, the ruins were identified as those of the city of Cretopolis. Using inscriptional evidence, a French epigraphic expedition to Asia Minor correctly identified the site in a publication of 1892.

The study of three small buildings at Balboura, set up by the city slave Onesimos and the wealthy Meleager near the southwest corner of the agora, is here concluded. Part I (AS XXXVIII (1988), 121–45) treated the exedra of Onesimos and his temple of Nemesis; here the exedra of Meleager and the associated inscriptions are presented. The numbering of the footnotes and figures, and the lettering of the sections continue on from Part I, and the same bibliographical abbreviations (ibid., 144–5) are used. It will also be necessary to refer to the city plan, state plans, restored plans, and restored elevations published there (Figs. 1–4).

During 1988 the Pisidian survey project continued at a new site, Ariassos, and for a fourth season at Sagalassos. The team, directed at Ariassos by Dr. S. Mitchell and at Sagalassos by Professor M. Waelkens (Dept. of Archaeology, Catholic University of Leuven, Research Associate of the National Fund for Scientific Research (Belgium)) consisted of Bay Sabri Aydal of Antalya Museum (topographer), Dr. E. Owens, Y. Day, and A. Millard (University College of Swansea), S. Cormack (Yale University), Dr. M. Lodewijckx, R. Degeest, L. Vandeput, and C. Nuitjen (University of Leuven), D. Roberts, R. Johnson, and S. Corker (University of Newcastle), A. Schulz and D. Pohl (University of Münster), and Osman Ermişler (Konya Museum), who represented the Turkish Antiquities Department. The main financial support for Ariassos came from the British Academy and the British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara, and for Sagalassos from the National Fund for Scientific Research (Belgium) and from the Flemish Ministry of Education (Belgium). Thanks are due to the Eski Eserler ve Müzeler Genel Müdürlüǧü, who gave permission for the survey and provided surveying equipment, to the staff of the Emniyet Müdürlüǧü in Antalya and in Burdur, and to the Belediye officials and the inhabitants of Bademaǧacı and of Aǧlasun.

By the end of 1987 three successive seasons had been spent by a team co-directed by Dr. S. Mitchell and Professor M. Waelkens at the Augustan colony of Cremna, and two (plus a brief initial season in 1985) at Pisidia's chief city in Roman Imperial times, Sagalassos. The permit for a surface survey has provided the opportunity to locate and check a considerable percentage of the texts previously known. It has also made possible the discovery of several new inscriptions from these sites and their territory. Two new milestones are presented here, one pertaining to each city.

In early August 1987, on the last evening of my stay with the team working at Sagalassos, I was taken by two men from Aǧlasun 4 km. along the Aǧlasun–Isparta road. Turning right into a lane, after some 300 m. we came to a small bridge over a stream. Nearby was a large cylindrical stone (Pl. XVII(a)) which had recently been recovered from the stream during excavations for another bridge.

The discovery of a hitherto unknown map of Alanya dating from the early seventeenth century enables a comparison to be made between the very detailed fortifications that it depicts and those that are standing today. Such a comparative analysis should permit some inferences about the form of the Seljuk and early Ottoman fortifications that are now ruinous. The Italian military provenance of the map gives an opportunity to illuminate briefly the depredations of the Medici navy in southern and western Anatolia.

Most historians have been reluctant to use maps as evidence, the few who have done so have often fallen into the pit of misinterpretation that the former, and perhaps wiser, have avoided: but the study of the history of cartography is gradually emerging from the exclusively archaeological stage, in which it has been delving for over a century, and the corpus of information about maps has now grown to the point where no historian can afford to ignore their value as evidence, provided that he is able to evaluate them accurately. It is in evaluation that the historian of cartography owes a duty to his fellow historians.

A notable new rock-inscription has been discovered in the vilayet of Adıyaman, which shows clear links with the Neo-Hittite dynasty of Kummuh already known from the BOYBEYPINARI blocks and the fragments from the productive site of Ancoz. The site of the new inscription adjacent to the village of Malpınar was discovered by Mustafa Kalaç, together with his students Selahattin Aksu (komiser) and Hüseyin Sayıcı, in September 1979 during a survey conducted by the Lower Euphrates Project of the Middle East Technical University. The discovery was reported by M. Kalaç to the Xth Turkish Congress of History held in Ankara, 22–6 September 1986. Hawkins had the opportunity to visit the inscription in October 1986 and August 1987. Travelling from Adıyaman to Akpınar (22 km. as the crow flies), past Kuyulu (alias Turuş, 9 km.), one reaches Malpınar on the east bank of the Göksu Çayı (8 km.). See Fig. 1. The Göksu, flowing south, joins the Euphrates near Gümüşkaya, some 35 km. downstream from Samsat.

Tepecik and Tülintepe mounds are situated in the area of the reservoir of Keban dam, now completely flooded since 1974. Both mounds were located in Altınova plain about 31 and 21 km. respectively (by road) east of Elazıǧ in Eastern Turkey. The distance between the two mounds was about 9·5 km. as the crow flies. The rescue excavations at Tepecik were carried out in the years 1968–74 and at Tülintepe in 1971–74 (Esin 1975a, Esin 1975b).

Tepecik was settled from the Late Neolithic period and Tülintepe from Chalcolithic to Medieval times. The sites were situated only about 60 km. away from the important copper and lead mines of Ergani Maden and about 70 km. from the mines of Keban. These two mining regions have often been quoted in the literature as possible copper and lead sources in Turkey since prehistoric times (Tylecote 1976, Seeliger et al. 1985 and Wagner et al. 1986).

The following notes represent the results of two visits to Turkish Thrace made by the authors during the summers of 1987 and 1988. In 1987 we visited Edirne, Vize and Enez, as well as several Byzantine fortifications at other locations. We returned to Edirne, Vize and Enez in 1988, and in addition we explored the coastal region southwest of Tekirdaǧ. We encountered numerous monuments of the Byzantine and post-Byzantine periods in these areas that have not been subjected to scholarly scrutiny—at least not since the population exchange of 1922–3 dramatically altered the demographic picture of Thrace. Our purpose in presenting this information is not to provide the complete documentation for each site visited, nor to provide a complete listing of the historical monuments of the region. Rather, we would like to make the scholarly community aware of the unpublished or unstudied monuments of Thrace, as well as the possibilities for further research in the area.

Since the first European visited Alaca Hüyük 150 years ago the site has been noted for its gateway dating from the Hittite empire, fourteenth and thirteenth centuries B.C. Within a few decades of the discovery, excavations revealed a large number of sculptured orthostats flanking the entry, but the piers with sphinx protomes have always been above ground and have given the entrance its name, the Sphinx Gate. Nineteenth-century travellers noted on the inner face of the eastern sphinx pier the fragmentary representation of a figure above a two-headed eagle clutching two rabbits (Pl. XXXIX, a). The relief is visible to everyone entering the city through this gateway. The parallel figure on the other pier, the subject of this report, has rarely been mentioned.

The late morning sun highlights remnants of a female figure on the inner face of the western sphinx pier (Fig. 1, Pl. XXXVIII, a, b). The upper part, from a point below the waist, and the whole front are destroyed, but there is no doubt of the back contour of the long robe, its surface covered by a series of striations sweeping down and back into the train.

In 1957 the team from Pennsylvania University Museum excavating at Gordion in Phrygia entered the wooden burial chamber in the “Midas Mound”, the largest of the tumuli that dot the plain of the Sakarya. Inside they discovered the body of a man of 60–65 years, 1·59 m. (5′ 2½″) tall, lying on a bed, and surrounded by over 350 bronze vessels and ornaments, three iron stands, wooden furniture and a little pottery. Despite its traditional name, the excavator, Professor Rodney Young, doubted whether the tomb was indeed that of the most famous king of Phrygia, the Midas who according to Eusebius ruled from 738 to 696 B.C., which agrees with the Assyrian records: that king's reign ended with the destruction of his city by the invading Cimmerians. In some accounts the king committed suicide by drinking bull's blood, in others he was killed in the sack. Young believed that after this disaster the Phrygians could not have afforded so wealthy a burial nor so large a tumulus (it still measures some 53 m. high, and was originally 70 or 80 m. in height), and he preferred Midas' predecessor Gordios as the likely occupant of the tomb.

The site of Amorium was surveyed in 1987, and the Turkish authorities kindly issued a permit for excavation in 1988. Our purpose was to study the site from the late Hellenistic period to the Medieval, in particular its growth, development and change from a small Roman town to the Late Roman and Early Byzantine city, which was destroyed by the Arabs in 838. After Constantinople and Thessalonica, this was probably the third city of the Byzantine Empire, and thus the first in Asia Minor (W. Treadgold, The Byzantine Revival 780–842 (1988), 41).

The twenty-seventh and twenty-eighth programmes at Aphrodisias conformed to the usual patterns of restoration, conservation and limited excavations.