Both Dante and Plato inherited from the past a complex of attitudes, legends and literature about love, and in both cases it was a special kind of love, love as an ennobling passion. Plato confronted the problem of so-called Dorian love, imported into cultured Attica from the Dorian regions of Greece where it had formed part of the ethos of a warrior class. It soon became a widespread practice, and in its most refined form it was conceived of as a passion which made the warrior brave and engendered civic as well as military virtues. The stories of Harmodius and Aristogeiton, Cratinus and Aristodemus, the later versions of the friendship of Achilles and Patroclus, all testify to the military and civic heroism which was believed to emerge from this form of masculine affection.

Students of Early Christian and Medieval civilizations have long been aware of the need for comprehensive and reliable bibliographies. This need has been felt even more keenly by those who are primarily interested in the East Christian world, for information on either primary sources or critical studies is too often scattered in books and periodicals which are not easily available even in large libraries. The recent publication by Hakob S. Anasian of the first volume of his Armenian Bibliology is a major event for these studies and deserves to be called to the attention of all medievalists. I wish to express here my thanks to the editors of Traditio who, realizing the significance of this publication, accepted the present article although it has been their general policy not to include book reviews in their journal.

All too slowly, but nevertheless, it is to be hoped, steadily, Byzantine scholars are becoming aware of the special importance of studies dealing with Christian Caucasia — principally Armenia and Georgia — for the studies ex professo their own. That this claim of Caucasiology to a place of special importance in Byzantine studies is no empty boast, an examination of the nature of the Byzantine-Caucasian relations will make amply clear. In the domain of Geistesgeschichte, Caucasia experienced a profound influence of Byzantine civilization. It came, in fact, to form to a very considerable extent a part of that civilization. But, quite unlike Byzantium's younger dependencies, Caucasia's soil had been previously irrigated by waters from other cultural streams, the Iranian, the Syrian, and, together with Byzantium though independently of it, the Hellenistic. The cultures of medieval Armenia and of medieval Georgia were, moreover, rich, vigorous, and original — Armeno-Georgian architecture was, above all the other arts, a thing of originality and beauty; — and what they, in turn, contributed to that of Byzantium is still far from being adequately appraised.

The insurrectionists of Gaul and Spain who were known as the Bacaudae/Bagaudae constitute one of the more intriguing yet obscure anti-Roman resistance movements of the later Roman Empire. Establishing the correct spelling and meaning of their name may help in identifying them. Many scholars have concluded that ‘Bagaudae' is the correct form because of its association with the Celtic root bág (fight) and the fact that the Bacaudae were ‘warriors' or ‘fighters' whom the Romans regarded as ‘rebels'. Here it will be argued that the form ‘Bacaudae' precedes the form ‘Bagaudae' and that all hypotheses about the Bacaudae based on G-form of their name must be revised.

A galaxy of enlightened bishops, inheritors and transmitters of the highly developed Hispano-Roman intellectual tradition, graced the Church in seventh-century Spain. Braulio, Taio, Ildefonsus, Eugene I, Eugene II and Julian, all depend more or less directly upon the great St. Isidore of Seville (600–636). He in turn was educated by his brother, Leander, in the last quarter of the sixth century. Lynch emphasizes the uniqueness of the system by which these men were formed in what he calls a ‘bishop's school,’ an expression which underlines the very intimate relationship which incorporated the students into the bishop's familia in contrast to the more formal cathedral school, especially as it developed in Carolingian times.

Die hier folgende Aufstellung verzeichnet alle auf dem Gebiet der auf das Partikularrecht gerichteten Synodenforschung in den Jahren 1967 und 1968 erschienenen Schriften und Editionen, soweit sie für den Verfasser erreichbar waren oder auf dem Umweg über Hinweise in einschlägigen Fachzeitschriften, über Bibliographieen und über freundliche Mitteilungen von interessierten Fachkollegen zu seiner Kenntnis gelangt sind. Eine Fülle von Material konnte der 1967 in Washington erschienenen 15-bändigen New Catholic Encyclopaedia entnommen werden. Auch waren ausserdem für das Jahr 1966 und auch für vorausgehende Jahre etliche Titel nachzutragen. So wie im ersten Supplementum (Traditio 24 [1968] 508–511), so sind auch hier die Titel alphabetisch geordnet und mit den entsprechenden laufenden Nummern versehen, so zwar, dass die neuen Titel mit der entsprechenden Nummer und dem laufenden griechischen (Buchstaben, in einigen Fällen mit dem Zusatz ‘bis’ und ‘ter’ bezeichnet sind. Fur Abkürzungen und Siglen sei auf den Conspectus abbreviationum (pp. xvii—xxx des Bandes) verwiesen.

Luca Signorelli's frescoes portraying the last days and the end of the world which decorate the Cappella di San Brizio in Orvieto Cathedral are often described as reflecting Dante's Commedia or as having a Dantesque quality. Commissioned in 1500 to complete the decoration of the cathedral begun by Fra Angelico half a century before, Signorelli painted — along with such scenes traditionally associated with the Last Judgment as the Resurrection of the Dead, the Damned in Hell, and the Saved in Paradise — two frescoes which portray the deeds of Antichrist and the signs of the end. Together with his illustrations from Dante's Purgatorio, also at Orvieto, these frescoes depict the key events of Christian eschatology. The entire cycle reflects, in other words, the artist's awareness of eschatology as encompassing not only the fortune of the soul after death, but also the events which occur in the last days of the earth's history, a view of eschatology which is both personal and cosmic. It is certainly appropriate to see Dante's influence upon the artist's representation of such scenes as the ‘anti-Inferno’ and the suffering of the damned in hell. Although the subject matter need not have been drawn exclusively from Dante, a knowledge of the Commedia helps one to understand these frescoes better. Both Dante and Signorelli reflect a concern with the last events which is typical of their times, and along with other artists and poets, they share a common background in Christian eschatology. In some respects, therefore, their individual achievements are analogous, so that an understanding of the frescoes can also help us to understand the Commedia, even though the painter worked a century and a half after the poet. Particularly, Signorelli's ‘Fatti dell’ Anticristo,’ a portrayal both of the traditional Christian beliefs concerning the great deceiver of the last days and of late medieval apocalypticism, provides insights into Dante's description of the contemporary church in Inferno 19 (Fig. 1). The artist and the poet each draw upon long-established Christian iconography and symbolism to infuse their work with an apocalyptic expectancy which, by placing contemporary scenes in a cosmic perspective, underscores its religious significance and ultimate consequence.

1. Architectural Symbolism and Imperial Ideology: Smith, Architectural Symbolism. — 2. Justinian and the Idea of Empire: Rubin, Zeitalter Iustinians. — 3. Byzantine Iconoclasm: a. Grabar, Iconoclasme byzantin; Kitzinger, ‘Cult of Images,' etc.; b. Alexander, Patriarch Nicephorus. — 4. Early Christian Iconology of the Crucifixion: a. Grillmeier, Logos am Kreuz; b. Grabar, Ampoules de Terre-Sainte. — 5. Imago Dei: Crouzel, Image de Dieu chez Origène. — 6. Civitas Dei: Mommsen, Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Part III. —7. Opus Dei: Chavasse, Sacramentaire gélasien. — 8. Philology and Spirituality: a. Fichtenau, Arenga; b. Leclercq, Amour des lettres et désir de Dieu. — 9. Typology and Imagery: Schmidt, Armenbibeln. — 10. Transition and Continuity: A. Late Ancient and Medieval Art: Kunstgeschichtliche Anzeigen, Neue Folge, vol. 3 and vol. 4, 1 and 2. —B. Byzantium: a. Berichte zum XI. Internationalen Byzantinisten-Kongress, München 1958; b. Dumbarton Oaks Papers, vols. 8, 9-10, 11, and 12. —C. Middle Ages and Renaissance: a. Saxl, Lectures; b. Mommsen, Medieval and Renaissance Studies, Parts I and II.

For some years I have been working on a study of Epicureanism from its earliest appearances in Latin through the fourteenth century. Although Martianus Capella wrote his De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercurii several hundred years after the beginning of this period, this essay is the first part of that study I have sought to publish.

Despite its rarity, hermaphroditism is often discussed in medieval texts in theoretical and practical contexts by canonists, theologians, and natural philosophers. For the canonist or theologian, hermaphroditism raised questions concerning baptism, marriage, entry to clerical orders, and legal status. For the natural philosopher, the hermaphrodite seemed to violate the strict dichotomy of male and female. Here I examine Albert the Great's natural-philosophical treatment of hermaphroditism. Albert rejects the view that hermaphrodites constitute a “third sex” and instead invokes Aristotle's authority to show that hermaphrodites are a “monstrous” flaw in nature. He carefully investigates the manner in which nature produces hermaphrodites in the womb and introduces a discussion of the generative capacity of hermaphrodites themselves. He concludes that they are incapable of reproducing in and of themselves (i.e., they are incapable of auto-fecundation) although they seem able to generate in another individual through coition.

Among the entourage of Lady Meed in Passus 2 of Piers Plowman appear two figures whose part in the action at this point is central though brief: Civil and Simony. The pair, who connive at and forward Lady Meed's marriage to Fals, carry all before them until challenged by another figure: Theology. This paper will try to define the precise significance of Civil, consider the background to the odium in which he is held, and discuss Langland's purpose in choosing Theology as Civil's opponent.

Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale MS E. v. 9 (749), contains sermons for Lent by Jacobo da Voragine (fols. 1-168v old foliation, 1-167v new foliation), and, at the end of the codex, on fols. 169-75 (168-74, new foliation), a work which is headed 4 Incipit tractatus magistri Petri Abaielardi de sacramento altaris quod sit essentialiter ipsa Veritas carnis Christi et sanguinis et contra.’ The Tractatus, hereafter referred to as S, was identified by the late Nikolaus Haring as being question 117 of Abelard's Sic et Non, but was not known to Blanche Boyer and Richard McKeon when they were working on their definitive edition of the Sic et Non. S belongs to the versio prima of the Sic et Non, the ZTCEB group of manuscripts; within this group, Z is the very earliest surviving version, while TCEB, and with them S, form in effect a separate recension from Z. Before examining S's relation with TCEB it would be best to look at it on its own.

Although William of Auvergne, bishop of Paris from 1228 to his death in 1249, criticized Avicenna severely, he also adopted many philosophical positions of Avicenna. In a recently published article, I emphasized William's considerable debt to the philosophy of Avicenna, and in a still-to-be-published article I pointed out how William was indebted to Avicenna for his view of what it is to be a human being, and especially for his view of the spirituality of the human soul. For much of his lengthy work, De anima, William follows Avicenna's philosophy as he found it in the great Islamic thinker's Liber de anima, seu sextus de naturalibus; not, of course, without serious criticism on many points. In chapter 5, however, of his De anima, William rather abruptly introduces a historical concept of human nature, which is closer to that of Augustine than of Avicenna or Aristotle, in place of the philosophical concept of human nature, which he derived largely from Avicenna, whom he often confused with the real Aristotle. In introducing such a historical concept of human nature or of the nature of the human soul, William raises several rather intriguing problems, which I want to discuss in this paper. First, he raises a question about how the various historical states of human nature are to be conceived and how they are to be combined with the philosophical concept of nature that he derives from Avicenna. Second, he raises a question about how he can, while claiming to proceed exclusively by means of philosophical proofs, introduce such topics as the original state in which Adam and Eve were created, the original sin by which they fell and which they passed on to the rest of the human race, and Christian baptism by which the harm stemming from their sin can be undone. Finally, William speaks about the soul's state of natural happiness as opposed to the state of glory, and though his treatment of these states is rather brief, it raises a further question about how William envisaged these states and their relationship to each other. Hence, the paper will have three parts: the first on the present and past states of human nature of which William speaks and on their relationship to the philosophical concept of human nature, the second on how William introduces into what he claimed was strictly philosophical such apparently theological topics, and the third on how William understands the relation between the soul's state of natural happiness and the state of glory.

El objetivo del presente artículo es poner de manifiesto algunas fuentes hasta ahora no señaladas del libro 1 del Chronicon Mundi de Lucas de Tuy. Esta obra es la primera de las grandes obras historiográficas hispanolatinas del s. XIII. La comienza a redactar su autor a partir de 1230 y la concluye hacia 1237. Sólo nueve años más tarde, y tomándola ya de fuente para muchos de sus capítulos, el arzobispo de Toledo Rodrigo Jiménez de Rada concluye su De rebus Hispanie, la segunda de las grandes historias escritas en el siglo XIII. Lucas de Tuy, nacido en León posiblemente y a finales del s. XII, fue diácono del monasterio San Isidoro de Léon y posteriormente canónigo. Viajó a lo largo de su vida por muchos lugares, París, Roma, Grecia e incluso Constantinopla y los Santos Lugares. En 1239 fue nombrado obispo de Tuy, junto al río Miño, en la frontera con Portugal, de donde el gentilicio de Tudense. De su mano salieron el mencionado Chronicon Mundi y otras dos obras más: el De altera vita, conocido también como Adversus albigensium errores libri III, pero que en realidad más que ir contra posibles albigenses leoneses, en realidad versa sobre un conjunto de filósofos de León autoproclamados “filosofos naturales,” cuyos nombres nos resultan desconocidos y seguidores del averroísmo más avanzado, y ello mucho antes del apogeo del averroísmo en Europa; y el De miraculis sancti Isidori, obra sobre los milagros del santo obispo de Sevilla, en razón de la cual se le han atribuido la Historia translationis sancti Isidori y una Vita sancti Isidori. Pero su obra fundamental, al menos por lo que a la historiografía se refiere, es el Chronicon Mundi.

In the early thirteenth century Christian thinkers in the Latin West encountered for the first time the Aristotelian philosophy that was pouring into Europe through translations from Arabic into Latin. William of Auvergne, bishop of Paris from 1228 until his death in 1249, was one of the principal figures in the first reception of the Aristotelian writings in the West. William, in fact, displayed a remarkable openness to Aristotelian thought, embracing much of it as his own, while firmly rejecting other teachings as opposed to the faith. Despite the various ecclesiastical prohibitions against the teaching of Aristotelian philosophy during the first half of the century, William said, “Although in many matters we have to speak against Aristotle, as is truly right and proper — and this holds for all the statements by which he contradicts the truth — he should still be accepted, that is, upheld, in all those statements in which he is found to have held the correct position.”