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The Origin of Brandenburg (Prussia), the St. Brendan Legend, and the Scoti of the Tenth Century
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 August 2017
Extract
When after the end of the migration of nations the frontiers between the individual peoples of Central Europe began to consolidate and, speaking cum grano salis, the Elbe river gradually emerged as the borderline between the Slavs and the Germani, there also originated that embittered struggle between these two antagonists which in its latest phase is so vividly reflected in the recent de-Germanization of Eastern Prussia, the Corridor, Pomerania, Silesia, and the Sudetenland.
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References
1 Widukindi monachi Corbeiensis Rerum gestarum saxonicarum libri tres 1 35 (ed. Kehr, K. A., MGH, , Script. rer. germ. [Hannoverae 1904] 43: ‘Repente irruit super Sclavos qui dicuntur Hevelli, et multis eos proeliis fatigans, demum hieme asperrima castris super glaciem positis, cepit urbem quae dicitur Brennaburg, fame, ferro, frigore. Cumque illa urbe potitus omnem regionem, signa vertit contra Dalamantiam ***.’ Google Scholar
2 Many readers, particularly those from the State of Wisconsin, will be acquainted with the amusing story which derives the place-name Sheboygan (Wis.) from ‘a she-boy again’; similarly, popular etymology connects the name Lincoln with Linkhorn.Google Scholar
3 In the city of Brandenburg there existed before the first World War a bicycle factory, owned by the Reichenstein Brothers, whose products were the famous Brennabor bicycles. The purpose of using this ancient historical name obviously was to curry favor with the native Prussian population.Google Scholar
4 Chronicon Poloniae cum continuatione Paskonis, Custodis Posnaniensis , in Sommersberg, F. W, Silesicarum Rerum Scriptores (Leipzig 1729) II, 18: ‘Przemislai Szgorzelica que nunc Brandenborg appellatur’; cf. also Wigger, F., ‘Des Bischofs Boguphals von Posen Nachrichten über Mecklenburg,’ Jahrb. des Vereins für Mecklenburgische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 27 (1867) 124.Google Scholar
5 Against it, cf. e.g. Tschirch, O., “Brannibor und Sgorzelica, ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Namens der Stadt Brandenburg,’ Brandenburgia (Brandenburg 1896) 276–9.Google Scholar
6 ‘Brandburg’ instead of ‘Brandenburg’ actually appears twice in documents of the 15th cent. under the Margrave Johann of Brandenburg (Riedel, A. F. J., Codex diplomaticas Brandenburgensis 8 [Berlin 1845] 82 and 84 for the years 1427 and 1428 respectively; it is obviously the result of the omission of the bar used for the syllabic suspension -en, and should have been indicated as an error by Riedel in his edition.Google Scholar
7 Between the years 983 and 1150, repeated efforts were made by the Germans to regain the lost territories (e.g. in 991, 992, and 993), but they were all unsuccessful. Cf. also Mahnkopf, J., Entstehung und ältere Geschichte der havelländischen Städte (Berlin 1933) 12.Google Scholar
8 Cf. Horstig, F., “Drei Capitel über die früheste Geschichte Brandenburgs’ Programm (Stolp 1856) 11, 12; also Griebel, E., Geschichte der Chur- und Hauptstadt Brandenburg an der Havel (Berlin 1936) 7 Google Scholar
9 Grimm, W, Deutsches Wörterbuch 2 (1860) 294: ‘Brand, Novale, ubi silva eradicata et ligna inutilia combusta sunt, Neubruch, Schwende, die Stelle, wo der Wald gereutet und gebrannt ist.’ Also Trübner's Deutsches Wörterbuch (1939) I, 405: ‘(Brand) die Stätte ***, die man durch Feuer gerodet hat. (Du solt sie auch suchen auf den Gehäuen, auf den Waiden, auf den Bränden und auf den Reuten).’ Among the hundreds of compounds with ‘Brand’ there is, strangely, none with the enlargement -en. Ber- and Remplaces (e.g. Berrau, Bernheuter, Bernbart) are clearly derived from ‘Bär’ Google Scholar
10 Cf. Seelmann, W, Forschungen zur deutschen Geschichte 17 (1877) 466; idem, ‘Das norddeutsche Herulerreich,’ Verein für niederdeutsche Sprachforschung 12 (1886) 54.Google Scholar
11 Curschmann, F., “Die deutschen Ortsnamen im nordostdeutschen Kolonialgebiet,’ Forschungen zur deutschen Landes- und Volkskunde 19 (Stuttgart 1910) 120.Google Scholar
12 Sabinus, Georg, De Brandenburgo metropoli Marchiae (Berolini 1552) in Scr. Rer. Brand. (ed. Kleyb, Chr. et Schmelzeisen, II [Francofurti ad Viadrum 1753] 272–8).Google Scholar
13 Ehrismann, G., Geschichte der deutschen Literatur bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters I (Munich 1918) 293. Here the history of ‘Wilkinaland’ (land of the Slavic Wilzen) is set in contrast to ‘Brandinaburg.’ Parts of the Thidrekssaga are found in Fr. v. d. Hagen, , Nordische Heldenromane I (Breslau 1814) 2. See also O. Tschirch in Brandenburger Anzeiger (Brandenburg: May 19, 1934) 115.Google Scholar
14 For a description and map of old Brandenburg cf. Tschirch, O., Geschichte der Chur- und Hauptstadt Brandenburg an der Havel (Berlin 1936) 9, 110; also Radig, W., Heinrich I, der Burgenbauer und Reichsgründer (Leipzig 1937) 54.Google Scholar
15 The ‘Brennaburg’ is not mentioned in Charlemagne's war against the Slavs which had taken him into this section; one may rightly assume that it did not exist at that time.Google Scholar
16 The three bishops before the revolt of the Slavs in 983 were Thietmar (948-968), Dodilo (968-980), and Volkmar (980-983); in Magdeburg (am Neuen Markt) they owned a house up to 1351 ( Riedel, , Cod. dipl. Brand. 8, 6; 21).Google Scholar
17 The boundary lines are delineated and discussed by Böttger, H., Diöcesan- und Gaugrenzen Norddeutschlands zwischen Oder, Main, jenseits des Rheins, der Nord- und Ostsee (Halle 1876) IV, 50–122.Google Scholar
18 Riedel, , op. cit. 8, 21; ‘Eine feste Begründung christlichen Lebens wurde durch die drei ersten Bischöfe nicht erwartet.’ Google Scholar
19 See also Förstemann, E. W, Altdeutsches Namenbuch (Bonn 1900) II, 567; he refers to G. Hey's suggestion of Slavic Bran (=German Wehr).Google Scholar
20 Cf. Walde-Pokorny, A., Vergleichendes Wörterbuch der indogermanischen Sprachen 161, 164, 168. Thanks are due to Dr. Ph. Scherer for his kind advice in Slavic linguistics.Google Scholar
21 Conradi I, Heinrici I et Ottonis 1 Diplomata, (MGH Dipl. 1, Hannoverae 1879–1884) 187-9; also von Raumer, F L. G., Reg. Hist. Brand. (Berlin 1836) I, 37; Riedel, , op. cit. 8, 91.Google Scholar
22 Arguments for the contention that 948, and not 949, is the correct year are found in Curschmann, F., Die Diözese Brandenburg (1906) 21; Dümmler, E. L., Kaiser Otto der Grosse (Leipzig 1876) 168; Uhlirz, K., Geschichte des Erzbistums Magdeburg unter den Kaisern aus sächsischem Hause (Magdeburg 1887) 30, also Hauck, A., Kirchengeschichte Deutschlands III (Leipzig 1920) 103.Google Scholar
23 Brun's signature appears for the first time in a document of September 25, 940 (DO 1.35); he became archicapellanus in 951; cf. Fischer, F. M., Politiker um Otto den Grossen, (Historische Studien 329; Berlin 1938) 103.Google Scholar
24 Variations in the spelling of Brandenburg are as follows : Branndenburg, Brandinburg, Brandburg, Brandeborch, Brandoburg, Brandonburg, Brandemburg, Bramburg, Brendeneburch, Branburtis, Brandebrois and others. How little trustworthy copyists have been in the spelling of proper names can be seen from Riedel's edition of the charter of 948 which reads ‘Brendunburg’ instead of ‘Brendanburg.’ Google Scholar
25 Cf. MHG Dipl. 3 (1900–03) 104, made out in Niernburg, August 8, and preserved in Zerbst.Google Scholar
26 Ibid. 259, made out in Oschersleben, October 27, and preserved in Magdeburg (Cathedral Archives).Google Scholar
27 Ibid. 296, made out (without date) at Werla, preserved in Hannover.Google Scholar
28 They are as follows: Brandenburgensis (a. 1051) (MHG Dipl. 5, 356); Brandanburg (a. 961) (ibid. 1, 316), Brandunburg (a. 961, MS L) (later copy), Brandenburg (a. 961, MS D) (15th cent.); Brandenburg (a. 991) (18th cent. copy) (ibid., II, 481). The Annales Ottenburani (a. 992: MHG Script. 5, 5) have Brandonburg (‘Otto rex Brandonburg obsedit’). The Leges furnish Brandaburgensis (a. 1027) and Brandeneburgensis (a. 1049: MHG Leg. IV, 1 [Hannoverae 1893] 86 and 99 respectively).Google Scholar
29 Ed. Holtzmann, R., Die Chronik des Bischofs Thietmar von Merseburg und ihre Korweier Überarbeitung (MGH Script. n.s. 9; Berlin 1935).Google Scholar
30 Cf. Holtzmann, , op. cit. xxxi.Google Scholar
31 This is Cod. Dresd. R 147, written partly by Thietmar himself, partly by his scribes, to whom Thietmar used to dictate (cf. Holtzmann, , op. cit. xxxiv).Google Scholar
32 Cf. ed. cit. book 4.16; 4.22 (first i erased); 4.64 (Brennebrugiensis corrected to Brandeburgensis); 6.57 (first i and final s erased); 2.22; 3.17 (first i erased).Google Scholar
33 The second copy (cod. Bruss. 7503-7518, written about 1120) shows ‘Branden-’ in all instances; its scribe must have made use of the same (lost) source which also served Saxo Grammaticus. Holtzmann (op. cit. xxxiii) suggests that in his historical writings Thietmar may also have used Widukind as a source; the difference of the treatment of the word ‘Brandenburg’, however, does not speak in favor of this suggestion. Since Thietmar wrote more than fifty years after Widukind, his presentation of the historical material of the tenth century must of necessity differ from that of Widukind.Google Scholar
34 The form ‘Brennaburg’ is used e.g. by Thoss, A., Heinrich I (Jena 1936) 103; Tschirch, O., Alt-Brandenburg (Brandenburg 1926) 6; Lüdtke, F., König Heinrich I (Berlin 1936) 127; Radig, W, Heinrich I (note 14 above) 54.Google Scholar
35 Rer. gest. saxon. 1.35 ( ed. cit. p. 43): ‘cepit urbem, quae dicitur Brennaburg’; 2.21 (p. 73) : ‘urbem, quae dicitur Brennaburg.’ Google Scholar
36 Cf. Wattenbach, W., Deutschlands Geschichtsquellen (7th ed. Berlin 1904) 365–366.Google Scholar
37 It is very unlikely, though not impossible, that Widukind in his Low Saxon monastery knew the Irish form ‘Brennain’ for ‘Brendan’; ‘Brennain’ occurs in Irish MSS and occasionally in Latin MSS (e.g. ‘Brenayn, hoc est imbre’ in Brussels, , Cod. Salm. 7672–7673; cf. Wahlund, C., Die altfranzösische Prosaübersetzung von Brendans Meerfahrt [Upsala 1900] lvii).Google Scholar
38 This change — which can also be observed in English names, such as Clerk:Clark; Bernhard: Barnard:Barney — is shown in German names in many instances, e.g. Berbach: Barenbach; Bernstedt:Barnstede (cf. Förstemann, F., Altdt. Namenbuch II, 405, 409). Cf. also Gottschald, M., Deutsche Namenkunde (München 1932) 137, 142, 151 (Berowin:Barwind; Berelah:Barilah; Betram:Battram; Berchtold:Barthold:Barnet; Gesellbracht; Dombart); also Heintze-Cascorbi, , Die deutschen Familiennamen (Halle 1933) 139 (Bertram: Bartram; Berchtold:Barthold). Heintze-Cascorbi remarks in this respect (p. 139): ‘Der Übergang von e zu a vor r ist bezeichnend für das spätere Mnd.’ For the same change in Middle Low German nouns in particular, cf. Lasch, A., Mittelniederdeutsche Grammatik (Halle 1914) 60; also A. Lasch und Borchling, C., Mittelniederdt. Handwörterbuch (Halle 1928) 149, 223. For the change of e to a see also Holthausen, F., Altsächsisches Elementarbuch (Heidelberg 1900) 30.Google Scholar
39 E. g. Barnardus, filius Pippini, rex Italiae (Chronicon Moissiacense , MGH Script. 2, 258); Barnardus episcopus (Series Archiepiscoporum Viennensium, ibid. 13, 375).Google Scholar
40 Cf. Waters, E. G. R., The Anglo-Norman Voyage of St. Brendan by Benedeit (Oxford 1928) 97. For St. Brendan, the ‘Fire-warden’ of the Baltic, cf. Selmer, C., ‘The Irish St. Brendan Legend in Lower Germany and on the Baltic Coast’, Traditio 4 (1946) 409-410. As for French ‘Brandaines’, it might be well to investigate a similar influence through the noun ‘brandon’ Google Scholar
41 Cf. Braune, W., Althochdeutsche Grammatik (14th ed. Halle 1911) 54–60: ‘Über den Verfall der Endsilbenvokale zu einförmigem e, welches vom 10. Jahrh. an stärker hervortritt und im Laufe des 11. Jahrh. schon zu grosser Ausbreitung des e führt, lässt sich schwer Genaues sagen, da die einzelnen Denkmäler stark abweichen’ (ibid. 59).Google Scholar
42 Forms without n are found in charters and deeds of the following years: 1161, 1164, 1166, 1179, 1187, 1188, 1194, 1197, 1204, 1215, etc.; forms with n: 1136, 1139, 1161, 1173, 1174, etc.; cf. Riedel, , op. cit. 8, 103–125.Google Scholar
43 E.g. in documents of the years 1161, 1170, 1179, 1188, 1197; ibid. passim. Google Scholar
43a For description of the one-hundredth manuscript cf. Selmer, C., “An Unknown Manuscript of the Navigatio Sancti Brendani in U. S. A.,’ Scriptorium 5 (1951) 100–103.Google Scholar
44 E.g. the Hereford Map by Richard of Haldingham of 1275; cf. Benedict, R. D., The Hereford Map and the Legend of St. Brendan,’ Bulletin of the American Geographic Society 24 (1892) 321–65.Google Scholar
45 The last (unsuccessful) expedition was made by Don Juan Mur, the Governor of the Canary Islands who in 1727 set out on an expedition to find the legendary Insula Brendani. Google Scholar
46 The discovery of inaccessible islands plays of necessity a very important part in St. Brendan's Navigatio. The description of some of them tends to remind one of Henry the Fowler's ‘island fortress,’ its inaccessibility and final conquest. (E.g.: ‘*** apparuit illis quedam insula ex parte septentrionali valde saxosa et alta ***. viderunt ripam altissimam sicut murum et diversos rivulos descendentes fluentes in mare : tamen minime poterant invenire portum Cum autem circuissent per tres dies illam insulam, invenerunt portum Erat namque petra incisa ex utraque parte mire altitudinis sicut murus’ ( Schröder, C., Sanct Brandan [Erlangen 1871] 7). ‘Quadam die viderunt insulam ***., et subvenit illis ventus prosper in adjutorium. Cumque cepissent circuire illam insulam, viderunt aquas largissimas manare ex diversis fontibus *** ’; ibid. 9. ‘Erat autem illa insula petrosa sine ulla herba: silva rara erat et in litore illius nichil de harena fuit’ (ibid. 10). ‘Cum autem navigassent juxta insulam per triduum et venissent ad summitatem illius, viderunt insulam aliam et ceperunt querere portum per circuitum insule Dixit sanctus Brandanus: ‘Ecce dominus noster nobis dedit locum ad manendum *** ’ (ibid. 11). ‘*** apparuit illis insula et ita per xl dies per cireuitum insulae navigabant, nec poterant portum invenire apparuit illis portus angustus *** ’ (ibid. 14). Other islands are mentioned ibid. pp. 18, 19, 20, 21, 23, 25, 26, 28, 29, 32, 34.Google Scholar
47 The oldest MS available is MS Add. 36736 of the British Museum, 10th cent.; it was written in St. Maximin, Trier. A Liber Brendani is mentioned in an ancient catalog of the year 993, cf. Becker, G., Catalogi Bibliothecarum antiqui (Bonn 1885) 130. For the name ‘Brandanus’ given to a monk of St. Gall in the 10th cent. cf. Ratperti Casus S. Galli, MGH Script. 2, 79n.Google Scholar
48 E.g. in Florence, Laurenziana, , Cod. S. Crucis 12, fol. 165v (11th cent.): ‘Deus, qui beato Brandano confessori tuo mirabili potentia expellendi venenum constituisti’; Munich, , Cod. lat. 100 {Formulae Merov. et Karol. Aevi, ed. Zeumer, MGH Leg. V, 672) reads as follows: Ordines Iudiciorum Dei per intercessionem Sancti Brandani.' Google Scholar
49 E.g. in Jubinal, A., La Légende latine de S. Brandaines (Paris 1836); also Schroder, C., op. cit.; Berlin, MS theol. lat. Qu. 142, etc.Google Scholar
50 E.g. Munich, , Cod. lat. 22248 (from photostatic copy) : ‘Brandani’ lv : ‘Brendanus’ (inc. lv); Bonn. MS S 368 : ‘Brandanus’ lv : ‘Brendanus’ 3r.Google Scholar
51 Cf. Pfitzner, E., Drei anglonormannische Gedichte (Halle 1910). Verse 157 has ‘Brendan’, but verse 164 ‘Brandan’; the form commonly used, however, is ‘Brandan’ (e.g. verses 661, 662, 1685 etc.); also Waters, E. G. R., op. cit., ‘Brendan’ (MS E. p. 39) and ‘Brandan’ (MSS A, B, C; pp. 6, 8, 11, 12, 20ff.).Google Scholar
52 Wright, Th., St. Brandan: A Medieval Legend of the Sea (Early English Poetry, Ballads and Popular Literature of the Middle Ages 14; Percy Society, London 1844) 57: ‘The name is spelt diversely in the different MSS., Brendan and Brandan.’ Google Scholar
53 Cf. Grosjean, D. P, “Vita S. Brendani Clonfertensis e codice Dublinensi,’ Analecta Bollandiana 48 (1930) 103–104, 107, 109; the most common form, however, is ‘Brendanus.’ CrossRefGoogle Scholar
54 Cf. Schröder, , op. cit. 51–93.Google Scholar
55 Ibid. 127–152.Google Scholar
56 Sorg's printing (Augsburg 1488) has Brandon (ibid. 163-192) : similar expressions are found in other early printings, cf. Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendrucke 4 (Leipzig 1930) 608, nos. 5004-12.Google Scholar
57 Cf. Selmer, C., “The St. Brendan Legend in Old German Literature,’ Journal of the American Irish Hist. Society 32 (1941) nn. 16-20.Google Scholar
58 Cf. Selmer, C., art. cit., Traditio 4, 409–10. In Möckern, not far from Brandenburg, the family name ‘Brandan’ is found in a deed of the year 1359; cf. Riedel, , op. cit. 10, 480.Google Scholar
59 Knust, H., Till Eglenspiegel (Abdruck der Ausgabe vom Jahre 1515, Halle 1884) 47–48 : ‘So steig er vff den predigstul, vnd sagt etwz von der alten ee, vnd zoch die nüwe ee daryn mit der archen ***, vnderweilen sagt er von dem haubt sant Brandonus, der ein heilig man gewesen wer, das haubt er da het, vnd dz ym befolhen werr damit zesamlen an eine nüwe kirch zu buwen, vnd das thun mit reinem gute, vnd bei seinem leben kein opffer nemen sollte von keinen frauwen, die ein eebrecherin wer vnd gab den lüten das haupt zuküssen ***’ The same anecdote is found in Stricker's Pfaffe Amis (about 1215), ed. Piper, P, ‘Höfische Epik III,’ Deutsche National Literatur (Stuttgart 1893) 109, lines 372ff.: ‘ich lâze iuch zeichen hiute sehen / daz ir mir wol geloubet / Sant Brandânes houbet, / daz schouwet hie, daz hân ich. / Es hat gesprochen wider mich, / ich sülm ein münster machen, / mit alsô reinen sachen, / daz got von himel wol gezeme.’ In both cases, the use of the head of St. Brendan probably refers to the episode dealing with the speaking head of the heathen, which occurs in a Middle Netherlandish Brandanus text of the thirteenth century.Google Scholar
60 Thanks for this information are due to Professor L. Weisgerber, University of Marburg.Google Scholar
61 Peregrinari pro Christo played quite a role in the British Isles in the early medieval centuries. For its ascetic aspects cf. Fuhrmann, J. P., Irish Medieval Monasteries on the Continent (Subiaco 1927) 2.Google Scholar
62 MGH Script. 6, 46: ‘Anno 845. Meldensis consilii decreta pro monachis de restituendis hospitibus Scottorum, quae sancti homines gentis illius ad excipiendos peregrinos populares suos in hoc regno construxerant.’ Also Mabillon, , Annales OSB I (1704) 492: ‘Illic [Niedermünster] Brittones et Scotti olim frequenter conveniebant.’ Google Scholar
63 Peregrinae are mentioned in MGH Script. 6, 45: ‘Vita Odilae Abbatissae Hohenburgensis. Erat ei consuetudo peregrinas ad sanctam conversationem suscipere feminas, tam de Scotia, quam etiam de Brittania.’ Google Scholar
64 Cf. de Barri, Girald, Topogr. Hiberniae , in Opera V (ed. Dimock, J. F., London 1867) 31.Google Scholar
65 This monastery existed from 1136 to 1820. In the fifteenth century it was taken from the Irish monks and handed over to monks coming from Scotland.Google Scholar
66 In Erfurt the oleum Sancti Brandani was revered; cf. Monumenta Erphesfurtensia (ed. Holder-Egger, O., MGH Script. 4) 429: ‘De oleo Sancti Brandani Abbatis.’ Google Scholar
67 For a discussion of this Carmen cf. Boyce, Bray Cowan, “Erfurt Schools and Scholars in the Thirteenth Century,’ Speculum 24 (1949) 12ff. The verses dealing with the Scoti begin v. 1550, cf. Fischer, Theobald, ‘Nicolai de Bibera Occulti Erfordensis Carmen Satiricum,’ Geschichtsquellen der Provinz Sachsen und angrenzender Gebiete (Halle 1870).Google Scholar
68 Lotharingia might have been lost to Otto I, had Brun not worked so zealously for his brother; cf. Wattenbach, W, op. cit. I, 401 and 359. Cf. also Gallagher, J. J., Church and State in Germany under Otto the Great (Washington 1935) 125.Google Scholar
68a For Israel episcopus cf. Selmer, C., “Israel, ein unbekannter Schotte des 10. Jahrhunderts,’ Studien und Mitteilungen zur Geschichte des Benediktiner-Ordens 62 (1950) 69–86.Google Scholar
69 Ruotgeri Vita Brunonis (MGH Script. 4, 257): ‘Israel episcopus Scotigena sub cuius magisterio illustrissimus his de quo loquimur plurimum se profecisse testatus est ***’ This Vita, a highly official document of that period, was written upon the request of Archbishop Folkmar of Cologne with the purpose of counteracting the unfavorable reaction which had sprung up against Brun's and Otto's ecclesiastical policies; cf. Fischer, F. M., op. cit. (note 23 above) 99.Google Scholar
70 Flodoardi Annales a. 947, in MGH Script. 3, 394; also Flodoardi Historia Remensis Ecclesiae, ibid. 584.Google Scholar
71 Cf. Manitius, M., Geschichte der lateinischen Literatur des Mittelalters II (München 1923) 175.Google Scholar
72 Die Tegernseer Brief Sammlung (Froumund) (ed. Strecker, K., MGH Ep. Sel. 3, 24): ‘Laetitieque Locos Dono Lux Praesulis Israhel,’ imitating the poetry of Ophalianus Porfyrius.Google Scholar
73 Selmer, C., “The Beginnings of the St. Brendan Legend on the Continent,’ Catholic Historical Review 29 (1943) 169–77.Google Scholar
74 In Reims e.g. a Visio Karoli III and a Visio Raduini were used, it seems, for political purposes, the former involving Louis III of Burgundy, the latter Ebo, a predecessor of Hincmar. Cf. Levison, W., “Die Politik in den Jenseitsvisionen des frühen Mittelalters,’ Festgabe F von Bezold dargebracht (Bonn 1921) 90.Google Scholar
75 Cf. Fuhrmann, , op. cit. (note 61) p.v.Google Scholar
76 “O Roma Nobilis, Philologische Untersuchungen aus dem Mittelalter,’ Abhandlungen der philos.-philol. Classe der K. Bayrischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu München 19 (1892) 297.Google Scholar
77 Cf. Holtzmann, , op. cit. 233; also Sackur, E., Die Cluniacenser in ihrer kirchlichen und allgemeinen geschichtlichen Wirksamkeit bis zur Mitte des 11. Jahrhunderts (Halle 1892) I, 148, 183; II, 124.Google Scholar
78 Cf. von Hontheim, J. N., Prodromus historiae Trevirensis diplomaticus et pragmaticus (Augustae Vindelicorum 1757) II, 593, necrology of St. Maximin; Dümmler, E., ‘Das älteste Merseburger Todtenbuch,’ Neue Mitteilungen des Thüringisch-Sächsischen Vereins 11 (1867) 233, necrologium Merseburgense. In the monastery of Echternach, Israel is commemorated as ‘Israel episcopus conversus S. Maximini.’ Google Scholar
79 Cf. Selmer, C., art. cit., Cath. Hist. Review 29, 173–4.Google Scholar
80 Cf. Kenney, J. F., The Sources for the Early History of Ireland (New York 1929) I, 681; also Becker, Catalogi, pp. 41, 95, 151: ‘Augustinus de karitate, scottice,’ ‘unus scottice scriptus,’ ‘expositio psalterii scottice conscripti.’ Google Scholar
81 Against all expectations, Adalbert left no chronicle, cf. Wattenbach, , op. cit. 385.Google Scholar
82 Cf. Sickel, Th., “Beiträge zur Diplomatik VII’, Sitzungsberichte der K. K. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien, Phil. Hist. Kl. 93 (1879) 641 : ‘*** dass die aus dem St. Maximin Kloster stammenden Mönche des Magdeburger Moritzklosters sich durch stilistische Eigentümlichkeiten gekennzeichnet, welche in vielen der unter Brun verfassten Präzepten wiederkehren Gemeinsam ist allen diesen neuen Fassungen, dass sie vielfach von dem Ausmass und der Satzfolge der alten Formeln und noch mehr von deren Vorrat und Worten und Wendungen abweichen und diese freiere Behandlung hat zur weiteren Folge, dass die einzelnen Stücke trotz gleichen Gepräges doch mannigfaltig erscheinen.’ Google Scholar