This article addresses the issue of low targeting efficiency of the Russian child allowance programme. We look at non-take-up of eligible households and inclusion of the non-eligible, and show that household characteristics are significant determinants of the programme take-up, as they affect households' earning potential and expected level of benefit. We believe that the results of the research give useful suggestions on how targeting of child allowances can be improved in Russia.

This paper is concerned with young people's understanding of the welfare state; who and what is it for, and what is their relation to it? It is argued that such qualitative research into these questions is not common. Exploring these issues increases our knowledge of the presence that ideas and discourses about welfare states have in young people's understanding of the social world. Qualitative approaches such as the one adopted in this paper can tap into meanings and perceptions that young people have in relation to the welfare state that can be glossed over with more quantitative concerns with ‘attitudes’.

The study examines whether social capital fosters resilience among individuals who are at a high risk of developing mental distress in adulthood. Results suggest that social capital is not associated with a reduction in the probability that high-risk individuals will experience mental distress, while one form of social capital, membership in groups and associations, appears to play a protective role among low-risk individuals. Overall, our research suggests that policies aimed at increasing social capital would not be able to reduce the gap in mental health between disadvantaged individuals and the rest of the population.

The relationship between social policy and inequality has often been contentious in Latin America. In this context, this article analysed the relationship between social spending and income inequality in the region in the short, medium, and long run. For this purpose, data on sixteen Latin American countries in the period 1990-2017 were gathered and analysed through a panel data study. The results showed that, in line with the findings at a global level, increased levels of overall social spending are indeed associated with reduced levels of income inequality in this region. However, each one of the four main areas of social spending were observed to have different effects on income inequality. Additionally, the results showed that, despite the reforms and the increases in budgets, the social protection and social services systems still have problems reaching those at the bottom of the income distribution in the region.

The number of houses in multiple occupation (HMOs) in the UK has increased significantly in recent years, with the sector disproportionately housing vulnerable tenants. Government responses to the growth in HMOs has focused increasingly on landlord enforcement and planning controls, with limited attention on the needs of vulnerable residents. Drawing on new research with HMO tenants with multiple and complex needs (MCN), attendance at HMO working groups and consultations with stakeholders, this article argues that, whilst landlord enforcement and regulation are necessary, it is important to balance this approach with appropriate support for tenants with MCN. Whilst living in an HMO can exacerbate personal challenges, the research shows that positive outcomes are possible when tenants with MCN are supported to address their needs. At a time when the number of HMOs is continuing to increase, it is important to explore the significant role of support provided to tenants with MCN.

The United Kingdom has a long history of a fraught relationship with the European Union, a discomfort demonstrated in the 23 June 2016 referendum on the membership of the EU, in which the UK voted to leave with nearly 52 per cent majority vote. Among the key concerns underlying UK's unease with EU are the interrelated areas of the economy, polity, and society. However, public debate surrounding the event focused on a relatively narrow range of issues. The two official campaigns representing the choice in the referendum, ‘Vote Leave, take control’ and ‘Britain Stronger in Europe’, were marshalled either to support Eurosceptic feelings or to emphasise the benefits of access to the Single Market. Commonplace convictions that the EU is responsible for that which is negative, inconvenient, or difficult to explain circulated alongside (though less frequently than) the recognition of the economic privileges and opportunities that come from EU membership. The political, economic and social concerns were encapsulated in themes of taking power back from Brussels, redirecting resources from the UK's contributions to the EU budget towards nationally determined projects (most famously allocating £350 million a week for the National Health Service), and effective border control to significantly curb migration. Contradictory claims about the EU and the UK's affiliation with it were further complicated by the fact that divisions over the support for or opposition to Britain's withdrawal spanned the whole political spectrum.

We examine an early ‘red flag system’ in the Finnish social assistance system and its efficiency in reducing the length of social assistance spells. We utilise the age-threshold in the policy that requires notifying social services on beneficiaries under twenty-five years of age after four months of social assistance receipt. Using monthly administrative data covering all twenty-three to twenty-six-year-old social assistance beneficiaries in Finland in 2018-2019, we compare the social assistance receipt of those below and above the age-threshold. Our findings show that those who are ‘red flagged’ do not exit social assistance earlier than others. On the contrary, four months after the notification is sent to social services, they are more likely to still have social assistance as their primary source of income compared to the twenty-five to twenty-six-year-old individuals. Our results shed light on the little discussed question on how to combine social work with digitalised and automatised welfare.

This article discusses New Zealand's experiences with health care rationing policy. It reviews attempts to define ‘core services’, the development of prioritisation techniques for service access and funding, new technology assessment, and the management of subsidised pharmaceuticals. The New Zealand experience offers various lessons: that rationing policy development is, by nature, a ‘messy’ process; that central coordination of rationing policy is crucial unless differentiation in regional initiatives and service access are desired; and that through ongoing highlighting of the need for it, rationing policy development is likely to become an accepted reality.

This article aims to account for why the redistributive effect of the Korean welfare state remains meagre. Given the fact that its small size is already a well-known factor, it directs its attention to the design and structural features of key social provisions and their distributional profile. Its findings suggest that the design features of social provisions are progressive but their distributional profiles are not. This is because there are other factors that undermine the seemingly progressive design of the welfare system in Korea. The article argues that in order to establish a fair and efficient welfare state, it is not only any increase in size that is important but also correction of the factors that diminish the progressivity of the welfare system.

This article investigates the role of deservingness conceptions in the implementation of labour market access policies for migrants with precarious legal status. It explores how immigration officials frame the deservingness of work permit applicants, considering also the political, legal and societal context in which they work. The analysis takes account of the Control, Attitude, Reciprocity, Identity and Need (CARIN) criteria, and uses primary data of semi-structured interviews with senior officials in German municipal immigration offices. It finds that officials frequently employ deservingness frames inbuilt into the relevant parts of the law, but also behavioural norms that go beyond legal requirements. The article makes two main contributions. Providing empirical insight into the migration bureaucracy’s part in the implementation of labour market policy, it seeks to help advance understanding of the complex processes of differential in- and exclusion in countries of immigration. Furthermore, the research design allows putting the CARIN criteria to an empirical test.

This article builds a bridge between research on the queer economy and that on the mixed economy of welfare by developing the ‘queer economy of welfare mix’ framework. While the two fields are related, there is a lack of discussion about the queer dimensions of the mixed economy of welfare or the mixed strategies employed by lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, and queer (LGBTQ+) individuals to explore the benefits and limitations of the queer economy. The purpose of our framework is to show how local and transnational goods provided by the mixed economy of welfare can enable LGBTQ+ individuals to organise their welfare through the mixed strategies – citizen strategy, consumer strategy, and consumer-citizen strategy. By examining Taiwan’s legalised same-sex marriage and its impact on Hong Kong and Mainland China, we demonstrate the empirical significance of the framework, which serves as an analytical tool for examining the government’s role in promoting LGBTQ+ individuals’ welfare and the challenges involved.

This study aims to empirically understand the precarity of food delivery work at online platforms particularly during the COVID-19-led devastations. Food delivery workers are the new form of the global phenomenon in the labour market. This is a result of access to cheap internet and smartphones among customers, which has enabled the platform to create a new form of labour market. Platform-based food aggregators use the terminology of 'delivery partners’ for these workers which alters the traditional employer-employee relationships, allowing corporations to evade labour-related responsibilities. This makes working conditions at digital platforms highly precarious and is reflected by low income and the non-existence of labour welfare measures. The COVID-19 pandemic and resultant lockdowns have worsened the precarious nature of on-demand work. It has caused a massive loss of livelihoods and erosion of income, showing the importance of traditional employer-employee relationships. These precarious working conditions call for affirmative actions in the form of regulations.

This article, based on a study conducted in a multi-ethnic Sure Start programme between 2003–6, explores aspects of the interface between policy, implementation and use of services. The early Sure Start discourse depicted parents both as legitimate recipients of support and as active and aspirational agents. It is argued that the second of these identities, tapping into a ‘social investment’ agenda, increasingly characterised the direction of the policy discourse. Interview data from professionals in the case study area about local need and use of services, however, emphasised the ‘constrained agency’ of many local mothers, and the inappropriateness therefore of the perceived direction of policy.

In this article, I examine the relationship between social movements, Brexit and social policy and consider how political and socio-economic developments since the 2008 financial crisis helped create a fertile ground for Brexit. I query the assumption that Brexit was simply a result of those left behind by globalisation and instead explore why and how actors from across the ideological spectrum supported Brexit and examine the sources of discontent which created the conditions from which Brexit emerged. To understand the relationship, role and impact of social movements and, more widely, civil society on social policy, I argue that it is important to critically examine how diverse actors within civil society are campaigning for the recognition of unmet needs and challenging systems of redistribution and the ways in which they interact and engage with governance institutions and policy processes.

S. Baron, J. Field and T. Schuller (eds) (2000) Social Capital: Critical Perspectives, Oxford University Press, Oxford

A. Portes (1998) ‘Social capital: its origins and perspectives in modern sociology’, Annual Review of Sociology, 243, 1, 1–24.

R. Putnam (2000) Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community, Simon & Schuster, New York

Twenty years ago, at a public ceremony in Amsterdam, a group of European academics made a solemn declaration on the future of the European Union (EU). Eventually over 1000 scholars and policy makers signed the Amsterdam Declaration on the Social Quality of Europe and it was translated into sixteen languages. The main intention behind the declaration was to remind policy makers and citizens about the unique nature of the western European model of development, comprising aspirations for economic growth, competitiveness and social justice. The risk being warned against was that, in the process of Economic and Monetary Union, the politics of integration would neglect what was then labelled the ‘social dimension’ and, among other far-reaching consequences, this would lead to a loss of legitimacy for the whole European project. As the Comité des Sages put it, bluntly, in 1996, ‘Europe will be a Europe for everyone, for all its citizens, or it will be nothing’.

With growing concern that social policies should reflect consumer choice, how is consumer choice expressed? Will consumer choice be the same in all forums? Analysis of incentive structures in different decision-making processes suggests that different facets of consumerism assume greater relevance in different forums. Policies approved often differ systematically from policies prescribed because approval is expressed in collective decision-making processes. Predicted policy responses prove sensitive to the way in which choice is registered. If consumers are empowered, choice will be sensitive to the forum in which they are empowered.

Irresponsible and excessive consumption of alcohol and the associated problems it carries in its wake have become one of the key concerns for central government both in terms of community safety and public health. In response to the Alcohol Harm Reduction Strategy for England (DoH, 2007), the Department of Health (DoH) have announced a series of measures, one of which is to pilot screening and intervention for alcohol use programmes in a variety of locations, of which one is within a probation setting. This paper reports on the findings of a project that pre-empts the DoH initiatives, thus providing the opening comments in what is sure to be a debate about a new strategic and evidence-based approach to dealing with problematic alcohol use. The paper provides data and discussions on the Screening and Brief Intervention (SBI) project that screened 3,900 detainees in the Charles Cross custody suite in Plymouth, England during the period March 2007 to March 2008.

This article presents interim findings and reflections from a case study of multiply excluded homeless people in Stoke-on-Trent. The article focuses on the experiences reported by a group of twelve such people living in the YMCA hostel. From the interviews, a large number of thematic structures were identified, of which only a few are outlined here, due to restrictions on the article length. The article concludes that the YMCA has had an important impact on their lives, mostly for the better, but the nature of this impact is complex and far from being fully understood.

Public Employment Services (PES) increasingly use automated statistical profiling algorithms (ASPAs) to ration expensive active labour market policy (ALMP) interventions to those they predict at risk of becoming long-term unemployed (LTU). Strikingly, despite the critical role played by ASPAs in the operation of public policy, we know very little about how the technology works, particularly how accurate predictions from ASPAs are. As a vital first step in assessing the operational effectiveness and social impact of ASPAs, we review the method of reporting accuracy. We demonstrate that the current method of reporting a single measure for accuracy (usually a percentage) inflates the capabilities of the technology in a peculiar way. ASPAs tend towards high false positive rates, and so falsely identify those who prove to be frictionally unemployed as likely to be LTU. This has important implications for the effectiveness of spending on ALMPs.