My interest in the life and work of Henry Howard Molyneux Herbert, fourth Earl of Carnarvon, arose from a visit to Highclere Castle in Hampshire, the family home, in 1978, when I had the opportunity to discuss with Henry George Reginald Molyneux Herbert, the seventh Earl, aspects of his great-great-grandfather's political and literary career. It was largely due to his subsequent interest and encouragement that the present work was undertaken, and I wish to record my grateful thanks to him. Following his untimely death in 2001, I have much appreciated the generous access to the family papers at Highclere given by his son, Geordie, the eighth Earl.

It is generally recognized that Henry Howard Molyneux Herbert, fourth Earl of Carnarvon, figured prominently in Conservative politics during four decades of the second half of the nineteenth century. It is remarkable, therefore, that it is more than eighty years since the only biographical work on him, Sir Arthur Hardinge's The Life of Lord Carnarvon, was published. As one historian has recently remarked, ‘[This work] is all we have’.1 The three-volume set well summarizes Carnarvon's achievements but suffers from a number of defects. After his death, his second wife, Elsie, commissioned the work, determined (as she wrote in the Preface) to ‘endeavour faithfully to portray the character, thoughts, words and deeds of one who amidst the shifting sense of politics, held honour to be the soul of public and private life; it seeks whilst presenting the facts to hurt no feelings’.2 As the self-appointed guardian of her husband's reputation, she was concerned to show him in the best possible light. Carnarvon's contemporaries, whose writings contained references to his political career, often received detailed letters from the Countess, pointing out factual errors and unwelcome criticism and demanding changes in the text. The correspondence with Sir Charles Gavan Duffy after the publication of R. Barry O'Brien's book on Parnell,3 to which the former had contributed a chapter on Carnarvon's secret meeting with Parnell in August 1885, is a good example. Duffy's criticism of Carnarvon's attitude towards the Irish question was strongly challenged by Lady Carnarvon.4 She was also ‘less than helpful’ in allowing Gwendolen Cecil access to her father's correspondence with Carnarvon when she was writing Salisbury's biography.5

Henry Howard Molyneux Herbert, fourth Earl of Carnarvon (1831–1890), had the distinction of serving in all the Conservative ministries between 1858 and 1886, and was a member of Cabinets in three of them, under the fourteenth Earl of Derby, Disraeli, and Salisbury. What is equally remarkable is the fact that, although he resigned on two occasions, he was appointed a third time, in 1885. Throughout this time he kept a journal, in which he provided keen observations of his colleagues and comments on political happenings.

During this Session I have become intimate with some persons of whom I knew comparatively little before. The Dunravens1 I have seen constantly and a great intimacy has from peculiar causes grown up there.

I received a letter from Lord Derby6 requesting me to call upon him between 5 and 6 in the evening. At that hour I found him in the library surrounded with heaps of papers and with Colville7 sitting at the same table engaged in writing or copying for him. He came at once to the point and offered me the Under Secretaryship of the Colonial Office. I replied at once that I hoped he would allow me to speak quite frankly to him, that I felt the kindness which had made him propose the post, that I owed him gratitude for the encouragement and assistance which before now he had given me in the House of Lords and which had led me on in the first instance, that whatever he wished as regards office that I would do, that I placed myself entirely in his hands, but that I thought it was due to my strong feelings on one point to ask him the intentions of the Government as to Lord Palmerston's8 Conspiracy bill.9 Did they propose to take it up and carry it or to throw it over at once.

Since last I wrote the events of the Session, a change has taken place both as regard myself and the Government. We are no longer in Office though the length of the Session and the obstinacies of the new Ministry are matters of very considerable doubt and uncertainty. Palmerston is once more at the helm and the Tories though stronger as a party both numerically and from the prestige of a successful administration than they have been for many years, are again under the shade of opposition. It remains therefore only to note the main circumstances which have occurred up to the present date.

In the evening talked with Lowe80 as to the Reform Bill.81 He spoke of the Whigs as a party with bitterness and of the Govt. with the determination of destroying them if possible somehow. “If your party” he said “are only true the Govt. have not a chance”. Anyhow he and some who act with him on his side of the House are decided to vote against the 2nd. reading.82 He asked me to give him any information I could during the next few days.

Cabinet at 3. J. Manners and Northcote absent.

I went to Phillimore's for the night. At Reading Station I was overwhelmed by the news of Lord Salisbury's most sudden death.272 The result will be great and I am afraid very unfortunate. Cranborne's removal to the House of Lords though it will strengthen my hands wonderfully and be personally very pleasant to me leaves the Conservative Party without anyone to rally round. Disraeli almost becomes a necessity to them and I am afraid that it will drive them to him and strengthen him.273 Politically matters look very gloomy to me.

At night after every one else had gone to bed I had a curious conversation with Delane. 1st. he told me on my enquiring it of him that it was true that he was shown in the winter of 1866 a printed draft Reform bill substantially founded upon the resolutions which were at that time kept in MS. in the Cabinet which Lord Derby and Disraeli would not put into print for fear of their becoming known, and which even they at first refused to circulate among the Cabinet. Was there ever such treachery? 2nd. The present Government are deliberating upon endowing the Roman Catholic Church and the Presbyterians with the money available of the Irish Church. They applied to Delane to help them, but he declined to do this. He looks upon it as good in itself but as a breach of public faith.

Ritual Commission. Evelyn came up to London and we then went down together to Hatfield.

I see a horrible phaeton before me in the coming break up of the Government who seem bent upon self-destruction, and in the consequent struggle of the Conservatives to get back into office. It would be a very foolish attempt but some of them seem to be bent upon making it. Sandon began to talk to me of it this afternoon.

Called at Hardys. He tells me that there is a real move in Lancashire to put Derby at the head of the Party, that it was discussed at Burghley before the meeting, that it was declared to be necessary to tell Disraeli but that every one shrunk from doing this and that he refused.343 That he doubts whether Disraeli knows it, that he believes Derby does not wish it, only wishes to return to the Foreign Office. Derby's late speech,344 when I was ill, brought him thus forward. On leaving Hardy the first person I met in the Park was Disraeli with whom I stopped to say a few amiable nothings as to weather etc.

Dined at Grillions and oddly enough I found myself within one seat of Disraeli. At first he wore his Egyptian sphinx-like face as if he saw and did not see me, but I thought that this was unnecessary and absurd and so I opened the conversation on a literary topic and we then talked in a very friendly, and so far as he was concerned, in a very agreeable way.

All England seems in a state of excitement. In a few days the election will begin.357 I do not like either Gladstone's or Disraeli's addresses.358 Gladstone offers a bribe of £5,000,000 in the shape of remission of tax and Disraeli at once caps it. It is what we said at the passing of the last Reform bill, that the Constitution would be put up to auction at each general election.

Steady progress all through the day, more and quieter sleep, food, general repose. I trust now all will go well.

Disraeli brought before us the state of our Naval force in the Mediterranean at the present junction and stated the combined strength of French, Russian, Italian, Austrian ships – exclusive of 4 German ships ordered there – to be 19 ironclads, 215 guns and 9,380 men. Our force on the other hand stands at 7 ships, 72 guns, 2,774 men. He said probably this storm will not blow over, and that the allies will solve the problem forcibly. He proposed at once to increase our force, suggested the substitution of a stronger man for Elliot568 at Constantinople and hinted at our seizing the Turkish fleet which is strong and consists of 27 ships and even Constantinople if necessary. The Cabinet were rather startled at these large proposals, and some discussion of a curious kind ensued. Finally we agreed to increase the Squadron by 3 more powerful ironclads (and to push on the commissioning of the Thunderer and some others).569