In 1906 I described a “Cissbury type” station at Ringland, Norfolk, the implements lying abundantly on the surface of two fields and covering an area of about 440 yards in length by 90 yards in width. The fields are at the foot of a steep tree-clad ridge known as Cobb's Hills, and slope gently to the river Wensum which is but a few yards distant from the lower part of the fields and is here about 34 feet above O.D. Some of the implements were described and figured in our “Proceedings,” and the site has yielded about 900 implements and several thousand flakes.

Fabric categories.

Fabric 1 : flint tendered (28%)

Inclusions; medium size calcined flint temper of medium abundance (approximately 1000 grains per 1 gm of sherd) with a negligible backing of medium grade sand quartz natural to the clay.

Example of analysed sherd: flint temper (99%0; G - 0.9%, VC - 8#5%, C - 26.8%, M - 39.4%, F - 24.4% quartz sand (1%); M - 11 grains per gram of sherd

Firing and surface finish; surfaces and core are generally reduced but patches of buff, brown and orange exist. Exterior and some internal surfaces show signs of horizontal burnishing.

Sherd wall thickness; 4 - 8 mm

Technology; handmade with evidence of coil construction and subsequent drawing up (Rye 1981, 67-73).

The recent discovery at Knossos of a bronze bell helmet (pl. 1; also de Jong and Hood, 1952, and Hood, 1952) of Late Minoan 11, usually dated 1450–1400 B.C., focuses attention on the series of similar helmets that have long been known from Europe. The helmet from Knossos is topped with a knob within which is a tube that penetrates the inside of the helmet. This must have been for a plume. The knob is held in place by seven small rivets. There are also a pair of cheek pieces of a more elaborately curved profile than the plainer ones from Ialysos of Late Helladic III (Lorimer, 1950, 211, pl. XIII), Weissig in Saxony of Bronze Age III b (Kleemann, 1941–2) or the pair belonging to the Pass Lueg helmet from Austria of Hallstatt A or B (Merhart, 1941, 30, fig. 8, 3). Around the rim of the Knossos helmet and around the cheek pieces are rows of small evenly-spaced holes. Inspection of the Ialysos cheek piece shows that it had a similar row of holes, though the examples from Weissig and Pass Lueg did not. Evidently these rows of holes were to attach a padded lining as well as to fasten the cheek pieces to the helmet and to the chin strap. No neck guard was found, though such were in use in the Aegean on boar tusk and other kinds of helmets of this shape (Lorimer, 1950, figs. 16, 22). I am greatly obliged to Mr Sinclair Hood of the British School in Athens for so generously giving me photographs and full information on this important find.

The Wickliffe Mounds site is a Mississippian town and mound centre dated to c. AD 1100–1350. Excavations at Wickliffe Mounds from 1984–1996 have re-evaluated a 1932–1939 semi-professional project and have provided additional data over much of the remaining area of the site. The site was established c. AD 1100 as a small village clustered tightly around a central plaza. From AD 1175 to c. 1350 the Wickliffe people built two platform mounds next to the plaza plus several smaller mounds around the site, and expanded the village area to the edges of the bluff. The village was abandoned c. AD 1350, but a cemetery appears to be intrusive, indicating the presence of a population in the area with ties to the site. A scenario of a single chiefly cycle, followed by dispersal of the population with continued use of the site as an ‘empty’ ceremonial centre, best fits current data.

In the Proceedings of the Prehistoric Society of East Anglia (Vol. III., Part III., pp. 389–430) I gave an account of the discoveries made at the 16-ft. level in the Pliocene Red Crag at Foxhall, near Ipswich, and in the detritus-bed beneath the decalcified Red Crag in Pits Nos. 1 and 2 at Bramford. During 1922 further excavations were conducted at Foxhall, and a number of humanly-flaked flints recovered from the floor occurring at the 16-foot level. The Bramford pits were also again investigated, and it is the purpose of this paper to figure and describe some of the specimens found at the sites mentioned. Full details were given in the paper quoted above of the Foxhall and Bramford Sections, and there is no need to again describe them here, especially as the recent diggings exposed no new geological features. The money to pay for the wages of the workmen engaged in the diggings was very kindly subscribed by the Percy Sladen Fund, the American Museum of Natural History, Sir John Ganzoni, M.P., and by Messrs. F. H. Barclay, A. S. Barnes, M. C. Burkitt, Henry Coates, Frank Corner, Vernon Favell, Robert Gurney, C. Hartley, J. J. Lister, W. M. Newton, W. B. Nichols, R. A. Smith, and F. S. Stevenson. The illustrations for this paper are produced from drawings by Mr. E. T. Lingwood, who, once again, has given valuable help to the cause of science by the free gift of his great artistic powers.

At a Meeting of the “Prehistoric Society of East Anglia” held recently at Norwich, I heard a summary read of a paper by Mr. F. N. Haward on the Norwich Test Specimen. It is perhaps needless to say that Mr. Haward's paper purported to show that this specimen of a rostro-carinate flint implement owes its present form to certain natural agencies, and not to the purposeful blows of a human being. It is not, however, within my province to attempt a defence of the humanity of this well-known flaked flint. Sir Ray Lankester has described and illustrated the specimen in a paper published some little time ago (“Description of the Test Specimen of the Rostro-Carinate Industry found beneath the Norwich Crag,” Roy. Anth. Inst. Occasional Papers, No. 4), and prehistorians can choose whether they prefer to accept the opinion expressed in that paper, or the view of Mr. Haward. The latter gentleman's opposition, however, to the idea of the human origin of the flaking upon the Sub-Crag flints does not cease with the Norwich Test Specimen, but includes all the other specimens found in the Norwich Stone Bed.

Since reading a paper before the Archæological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland in February, 1913, on the two factory sites at Peppard, Oxon, we have carried out further excavations, and I propose to give a brief account of the new implements found there, and to discuss the evidence as to the date arrived at as a result of the whole work. Sections of the sites and a map showing their position were given in that paper, and 28 of the implements illustrated.

The deeper site (Site 1) was re-opened by Mr. Reginald Smith, F.S.A., of the British Museum, in October, 1913, and some of the problems connected with it cleared up. This site was then found to be an open pit, similar to a modern chalk pit, with a pathway leading into it from the lowest level, 8 ft. across and 7½ ft. long. The floor of this adit formed a gently inclined plane to the bottom of the pit, being covered at the entrance with 2½ ft. of rainwash. This method of approach to the mine is what one would expect from its situation on the slope of a hill. It differs thus from the mines at Cissbury and Grime's Graves, where the circular cups were much deeper (40 ft.) and must have been entered by some form of ladder, such as a tree trunk with the branches cut short to form steps or a rope made of hide.

The flint implements which are the subject of this paper were found near Mundford in Norfolk in 1918-19, and the work is still being continued on this area.

Although when thrown out by the plough the tools may be described as surface finds, strictly speaking, they belong to the red gravelly sands which immediately over-lie the chalk in this district, and which are covered by one to two feet of brown sandy loam.

The large number of true implements found in a comparatively limited space, warrants the belief that this must have been a settlement, where work had been carried on for a considerable time.

Having hitherto escaped the eye of the wandering collector, an unusually complete series has been secured.

No Sardinian domestic site has yet produced Beaker remains, but complete or fragmentary vessels have been found in eleven funerary deposits (fig. 1). Of these, San Bartolomeo in the extreme south of the island is a burial cave, and Nuraxinieddu is a trench grave. The remaining nine sites are all rock-cut tombs (domus de janas) and are grouped together in the zone of sedimentary rocks in the north-west of the island.

Vessey Ponds are a pair of irregularly-shaped hollows high on the Chalk Wolds of East Yorkshire at about 220 m OD (Fig. 1). Recent fieldwalking recovered a large flint scatter in the vicinity of these hollows. Mesolithic activity was represented by worked flint displaying soft hammer technology whereas hard hammer technologies indicate Neolithic and Bronze Age tool production and usage. The presence of large numbers of cores and a vast quantity of industrial waste indicates on-site preparation of tools. Statistical analysis of the fieldwalking data implies that the flints are concentrated around the hollows. Auger sampling across the ponds revealed natural clay deposits that still hold water close to the pond surface. Consideration of exploitation of mineral resources on the Wold top and possible mechanisms of formation of Vessey Ponds highlights the complex effects of glacial activities on the local surface geology. Karstic origins for some features of surface geology are suggested. The nature of the ‘prehistoric’ economies represented by the flint scatter is considered along with ethnoarchaeological evidence to support the assumption that the ponds at Vessey were a potential water supply during the Mesolithic, Neolithic, and Bronze Ages. Evidence from Vessey Ponds and elsewhere in Yorkshire implies an association between areas of ‘prehistoric’ activity and the availability of surface water. Above all else, this work highlights the impact of water supply on settlement pattern and land use on the Chalk of the Yorkshire Wolds.

The renewed controversy over the question of Mycenaean trade with ‘barbarian’ Europe (Renfrew 1968; Branigan 1970, 1972; etc.) has emphasised the need for a thorough study of the various classes of evidence involved. Recent work on the faience beads of Early Bronze Age Europe (Harding 1971; Harding and Warren 1973) has tended to show that local production is likely, at any rate in continental Europe, while a study of the amber trade to Mycenaean Greece (Harding and Hughes-Brock 1974) has shown that two main periods of trade with the Baltic are likely, the first, via Wessex, in the sixteenth/fifteenth centuries B.C., the second around 1200, down the Adriatic. Here I should like to tackle another group of material, bronze tools and implements, some of which have been used (or mis-used) in the current debate. I include here agricultural, wood-working, metallurgical and general-purpose tools; razors and tweezers are omitted, and will be discussed elsewhere, as will ornaments and objects of personal use. Knives are included, but daggers await examination together with other weapons.

Tools and implements have not often been found as items of trade in the Bronze Age Aegean. They have intrinsic value as metal, it is true, but they are usually heavy and bulky, and most easily susceptible of adaptation to local needs by local smiths. Accidental loss and intentional imitation are correspondingly less likely.

The cairn at Mount Stewart has attracted wide attention as the alleged find-site of one of the very small group of Irish beakers. Since the ‘beaker’ and another bowl-shaped food-vessel from the cairn have now been rediscovered in the Belfast Municipal Museum—and the last relic of the cairn recently removed—we feel the time has come for a review of the available data.