From my title, you might think that this was to be a discourse on human origins and the story of early Man — about the fossil and genetic evidence for regarding Africa as the cradle of mankind such as the lecture to our Society by Mary Leakey four years ago. However, such is not my intention. My title is taken from a poem by A. E. Housman, the relevant portion of which reads:

‘Oh I will sit me down and weep For bones in Africa‘.

Housman (1956, 123) was uttering a threnody for a soldier who died in Africa, but I utter my lament on behalf of others.

But first, a brief look at aspects of the Prehistoric Society which show that it continues to flourish and grow. In these days of falling memberships, the Society has actually grown. We have made a modest increase in our Research Fund. The Proceedings and the maintenance of their high standard remain the Society's greatest contribution to prehistoric archaeology and justify the large proportion of our resources which we devote to them. This is in the realm of scholarship and research. In addition, we are moving into archaeological policy, with the intention of making the Society's voice heard in the councils of the nation as they affect prehistoric archaeology.

This paper presents findings within Wyman Abbott's long-missing notebooks and other allied archival sources relating to his Fengate fieldwork during the early decades of the 20th century. Largely focusing upon its monuments, we here publish a manuscript concerned with his extraordinary, multiple-interment 'great' ringditch which is otherwise known from a paragraph's description in Hawkes and Fell's Antiquaries Jourual paper of 1945. Not only do these sources contribute to the further reconstruction of Fengate's renowned Bronze Age landscape, but, it is argued, the centralised multiple-lineage interment evident at his main ring-ditch site may well reflect upon the social organisation which also gave rise to Pryor's equally 'special' Flag Fen platform.

It is the object of this paper to examine the evidence for the relative and absolute chronology of the Passage-Graves of the British Isles. The title of the paper as well as this bald statement of purpose begs the immediate question of what exactly the authors mean by Passage-Graves.

We define a Passage-Grave as a prehistoric chamber tomb consisting of a passage leading to a round, polygonal, or square chamber, in which the collective burials were normally made. This type of monument may be walled with orthostats and roofed trabeate-wise by capstones, or it may be dry-walled with small stones laid horizontally and roofed by a false or corbelled vault, or again there may be present a combination of these techniques. On the other hand this type of monument may be wholly or partly cut in the rock or again there may be a combination of surface and rock-cut features in its construction. In almost all cases the surface forms of Passage-Grave are incorporated in a barrow or cairn of earth or stones. The constructional variety of the tomb does not affect its classification in a morphological category; the rock-cut tombs of Alcaide and Palmella are as much Passage-Graves as the corbel-vaulted tombs of He Longue and Alcalá, or the capstoneroofed tombs of Kercado and Bryn Celli Ddu.

In the summer and autumn of 1910 Postinspektor Schild found a small cemetery of the Middle La Tène Period (Reinecke, Phase C) on his property at Munich—Obermenzing, Upper Bavaria. Eight graves were discovered by him; one, if not two of them were cremation burials. A number of the graves yielded no goods or were at best but meagrely furnished and had either previously been disturbed or had belonged to poor people. Later, in 1913 and in 1914, G. von Merhart (on what must have been one of his earliest excavations) continued work there with the aid of Schild. Nine more graves were discovered, two being cremation, the others inhumation burials. It is of interest that the three richest burials all housed cremations. Apart from two graves found by Merhart, this cemetery is as yet unpublished, though references to it have appeared in various periodicals.

The material from the site is in the possession of the Vor- und Frühgeschichtliche Staatssammlung, Munich, and I am more than indebted to its director, Doktor O. Kunkel, for his kindness in allowing me to publish the grave from this cemetery which forms the theme of this paper. My thanks are also due to two other friends, Doktor W. Krämer and Doktor H. Müller-Karpe for help on a number of points and for placing the respective records of the Bayerisches Landesamt für Denkmalpflege and of the Vor- und Frühgeschichtliche Staatssammlung at my disposal.

Within recent years, much attention has been focused on the earliest objects of harness which have long been noticed in the archaeological record. They are a matter of some importance in the perception of social structure from extant remains; Kossack (1954) presented strong arguments in favour of interpreting, in this manner, the early Hallstatt (Ha C) horse harness from Bavarian graves. Other major publications have since added to the picture of widespread, supposedly aristocratic adoption of harness and wagons in association with burial rite (northern and central Italy in the Early Iron Age, von Hase 1969; the Iberian peninsula in the same period, Schüle 1969; the Middle Danube to the Russian Steppes and to the Asian hinterland, Potratz 1966). Nor has the thesis of Gallus and Horvath (1939) been ignored, and the activities of ‘Thraco-Cimmerian’ cavalry still play a large part in the interpretation of west European horse harness. Already in 1954, however, Kossack observed the continuing elements of native, western Urnfield Europe in the entirely new combinations of grave-goods in Ha C and he indicated that the cheekpieces, while being modelled closely on the lines of preceding types found in the region of the Middle Danube, were, in fact, local variants chiefly concentrated in the graves of Bohemia and Bavaria. That western Europe had long had its own forms of cheekpiece was demonstrated by Thrane in 1963, yet the mouthpieces themselves have received no consolidated attention. This paper is an attempt to redress the balance, by gathering together the earliest metal bits in Europe west of Slovakia and Hungary, in order to see what light they throw on the problems of continuity and transition at the end of the Bronze Age and the beginning of the Iron Age.

A large hoard of Iron Age coins was discovered by metal-detecting at Pershore, Worcestershire, in 1993. During small-scale archaeological excavation further Iron Age coins were recovered, including a likely second hoard. Further fieldwork in the same vicinity as the hoard(s) produced more Iron Age finds, including more coins, and a possible fragment of a twisted wire gold torc. In total 1494 Iron Age gold and silver coins were recovered. Geophysical survey indicated that the hoard(s) lay at the southern end of an extensive area of settlement which, based on the fieldwalking evidence, was mainly of Iron Age and Roman date. This covered an overall area of c. 10 ha, within which several areas of more intensive activity were defined, including enclosures and possible round-houses. It is suggested that the coin hoard(s) indicate the location of a Late Iron Age religious space in an elevated landscape position situated on the edge of a settlement which continued into the Roman period. As part of the archaeological strategy, specialist deep-search metal-detecting was undertaken in order to establish that the site has now been completely cleared of metalwork caches

The cairn at Mount Stewart has attracted wide attention as the alleged find-site of one of the very small group of Irish beakers. Since the ‘beaker’ and another bowl-shaped food-vessel from the cairn have now been rediscovered in the Belfast Municipal Museum—and the last relic of the cairn recently removed—we feel the time has come for a review of the available data.

This paper is inspired by and based upon a field survey of the Carrowmore megalithic cemetery carried out by the writer and Mr Desmond Smith, then Hon. Secretary of the Sligo Field Club, in 1972–73 and revised in 1977 following the clearance of scrub from a number of sites which had hitherto been incapable of proper examination. So far as is known, this is the first attempt at a definitive, if admittedly superficial, survey of this unique assemblage of tombs and other sites since that conducted by Col. W. G. Wood-Martin almost a century ago and recorded in The Rude Stone Monuments of Ireland (1888). The only other definitive survey was that made in 1837 by George Petrie, archaeologist to the Ordnance Survey, and recorded in the Ordnance Survey Letters for County Sligo. In addition, Petrie prepared a map of the area of the cemetery (unfortunately not reproduced in the Ordnance Survey letters) in which he marked and numbered all sites to his knowledge then extant. This map was revised and used by Wood-Martin and it is on this later version that the identification of sites in the present survey is based.

A fairly close acquaintance with Carrowmore over the past twenty years or so has encouraged the conviction that the problems posed are of greater variety and complexity than have up to now been acknowledged.

Excavations at Grime's Graves during September, 1920, resulted in several interesting discoveries, notably the location of a new chipping and occupation zone, situated near the S.E. margin of the mining area immediately west of the Tumulus Pit, a locality which previous excavations had proved to be rich in occupation sites. Here, upon a living level immediately overlying glacial sand, two pieces of engraved flint crust were discovered associated with a series of flint implements of Mousterian type, bone tools and pottery.

Engraving upon flint crust was first noticed at Grime's Graves in 1915, upon Floor 16, a piece bearing incised lines of indeterminate character being found (Fig. A, 10) which was described and figured in the Proceedings, Vol. II., Part III., by Dr. Peake. Since then numerous similar examples have been discovered upon other floors, which, together with the occurrence of gravers, the discovery of chalk carving in the round, and of chalk balls by Mr. D. Richardson, and by the President, pointed to the hope of definite engravings being ultimately forthcoming if systematically searched for. This hope was further stimulated by Dr. Peake finding a few days prior to our visit a piece of crust bearing an engraved outline suggesting portions of the human figure (Fig. A, 11) and resulted in the careful scrutiny of every fragment of crust turned up during the subsequent excavations, which was finally rewarded by the discovery of two fine engravings (Fig. E).

The particular area dealt with in this paper is the extreme S.W. corner of the County, embracing roughly a triangle having its base of 14 miles along the high moors W. of Sheffield, viz., from Langsett (N.) to Fox House (S.), the apex at Mexboro', and the ridges on the right of the Don Valley forming one side.

From its varied character, including as it does the extremes of bleak upland impossible of cultivation, and sheltered valley and lowland, it is in many respects an ideal area for study.

Unfortunately, flint, for reasons explained later, is scarce, hence it is only by the cumulative results of patient search extending over a period of years that any conclusion can be arrived at touching the culture of the implements found.

The base-line of the area under consideration follows in general the Yorkshire–Derbyshire boundary, and traverses a wide moorland country of considerable altitude, consisting of glacier-sculptured heights, seamed with deep, frequently precipitous ravines.