The Chemical and Biological Arms Control Institute (CBACI) is an independent, nonprofit corporation established to promote the goals of arms control and nonproliferation, with a special, although not exclusive focus on the elimination of chemical and biological weapons. Established in late 1993, CBACI fosters its goals through an innovative program of research, analysis, technical support, and education designed to provide a strategic perspective and deepened understanding of contemporary arms control challenges to government, industry, and others. The institute's program is intended to alert decision-makers in government, industry, the media, and elsewhere to problems before they become crises, challenge conventional wisdom in light of new realities, and promote the integration of diverse perspectives into decision options that effectively balance competing interests. CBACI stresses, therefore, analyses and activities whose hallmarks are their anticipatory nature, action orientation, integrative approach, policy focus, and political realism.

Human Rights Watch is the largest U.S.-based independent human rights organization. It conducts regular, systematic investigations of human rights abuses in some seventy countries around the world. Human Rights Watch (HRW) includes five divisions, covering Africa, the Americas, Asia, the Middle East, and the signatories of the Helsinki accords, and has four thematic projects: the Arms Project, the Women's Rights Project, the Children's Rights Project, and the Free Expression Project. HRW maintains offices in New York, Washington, Los Angeles, London, Brussels, Moscow, Rio de Janeiro, Dushanbe, and Hong Kong. Human Rights Watch is a nongovernmental organization, supported by contributions from private individuals and foundations worldwide. It accepts no government funds.

Few would disagree that reproductive behavior is a powerful aspect of human life and society. Of the many aspects of human sexuality (which include some elements of inter- and intrasexual aggression and competition), one of the most intriguing is the extent of biological influences. Intuitively, one feels that powerful emotional and behavioral conditions exhibited during sexual or aggressive arousal must have biological bases. What are the hormonal and physiological correlates of such profound behavioral displays? Employing a research strategy involving psychiatric and endocrine perspectives, this laboratory's approach is to challenge the nervous system, either directly with hormone and drug treatment, or indirectly through behavioral or environmental stimuli, and monitor biobehavioral changes in physiology, mood, and arousal. In particular, I am interested in how gonadal and pituitary hormones, chemical messengers important to the reproductive system, act to organize, mediate, and reinforce human sexual and aggressive behavior. At present, two main lines of inquiry have been opened to investigate different elements of human psychoendocrinology. First among these is an investigation into biological bases of human sexual differentiation and sexual orientation. The second involves studying the physiology of erotic arousal and competitive behavior.

Biological issues Have Become prominent in the national news, and the complexity of the science behind the issues has often tended to cloud the broader discussion. Examples include screening for genetic diseases and risk factors, issues of reproductive technology, and controversies over treatment of terminal illness and the “right” to die. Recent polls have indicated both intense interest in biotechnology and an often profound lack of understanding of the science behind it.

On June 29, 2002, President George W. Bush invoked the United States Constitution's Twenty-Fifth Amendment, ratified in 1967. By so doing, he helped focus attention on the amendment's two disability provisions, Sections 3 and 4. Section 3 provides for voluntary transfer of power from the president to the vice president and is wholly dependent on the president's wishes. Section 4 provides for involuntary transfers of power, possibly over the president's objection. This controversial provision allows a vice president, with the assent of a majority of the cabinet, to become acting president. Critics have long argued that the vice president and cabinet officers, since they all owe their positions to the president, may be excessively reluctant to act even when action clearly is warranted. Therefore, some of these critics have proposed that a presidential disability commission be established at the beginning of every administration either to act under Section 4 in place of the cabinet or to provide formal and regular medical assessments so as to press for action in the event of presidential inability. I argue that such proposals are unwise and that their implementation would be counterproductive and even dangerous, both to the presidency and to the nation.

The U.S. Supreme Court's 1991 decision in United Automobile Workers v. Johnson Controls capped a decade of adjudication of fetal protection policies under Title VII. In its decision, the Supreme Court barred the use of these policies, holding that the policies constituted unlawful gender discrimination. Prior to Johnson Controls, employers had justified these policies, which barred “fertile” women from certain workplaces, by contending that the workplace was not safe for women or their fetuses. Given this implicit disclosure by employers that their workplaces were unsafe, it is surprising that federal and state occupational safety and health agencies, charged with ensuring that employers furnish a workplace free from recognized hazards, did not play a larger role in the debate over these policies. This article examines the response of these agencies to the proliferation of fetal protection policies in the 1980s. It concludes that neither federal nor state occupational safety and health agencies crafted an adequate response to these policies during these years.

Physician-assisted death is a particularly relevant subject for the elderly since end-of-life issues affect them sooner rather than later. This article examines both the macro (aging interest group) and micro (individual) advocacy levels, using Proposition 161, The California Death With Dignity Act, as a case study. To determine old-age interest group attitudes and activism, we explored their advocacy levels on the ballot measure. Public opinion polls and a survey that was administered exactly one week prior to the November 1992 election at the Pasadena Senior Center in Pasadena, California helped measure individual attitudes and beliefs regarding active euthanasia.

To his colleagues and the generations of students who had the privilege of knowing him, Jim Schubert was an inventive scholar, dedicated teacher, and tireless mentor. An innovative political scientist, Jim was skilled at incorporating the latest technologies and methods into his research. Engaging and creative as a teacher and mentor, Jim, according to a student and collaborator, “was maybe the kindest, smartest man you could ever meet.” Jim's pioneering work in the field of biopolitics reflect these qualities—he was truly “one of a kind.” As a scholar of biopolitics, Jim left behind a legacy that reflects what Gary Johnson, former editor of Politics and the Life Sciences, describes as the mission of both the journal and the association: “to advance knowledge of politics and promote better policymaking through multidisciplinary analysis that draws on the life sciences.”

The common assumption that female candidates on the campaign trail should not go on the attack, because such tactics contradict gender stereotypes, has not received consistent support. We argue that in some circumstances gender stereotypes will favor female politicians going negative. To test this proposition, this study examines how gender cues affect voter reactions to negative ads in the context of a political sex scandal, a context that should prime gender stereotypes that favor females. Using an online experiment involving a national sample of U.S. adults ($N=599$), we manipulate the gender and partisan affiliation of a politician who attacks a male opponent caught in a sex scandal involving sexually suggestive texting to a female intern. Results show that in the context of a sex scandal, a female candidate going on the attack is evaluated more positively than a male. Moreover, while female participants viewed the female sponsor more favorably, sponsor gender had no effect on male participants. Partisanship also influenced candidate evaluations: the Democratic female candidate was evaluated more favorably than her Republican female counterpart.