Do inputs need to be restricted on a language-specific basis? Classic Optimality Theory claims that they do not: the rich base is filtered by constraints that yield full contrast, complementary distributions or positional neutralisation depending on the ranking. The problem arises when positional neutralisation affects a gappy contrast. In Russian, voicing neutralisation works on all obstruents alike, including non-contrastively voiceless ones – but it creates voiced allophones that are otherwise disallowed. In the popular OT account of positional neutralisation, analysing these cases requires handling voicing twice: once for all segments, then again for gaps. I argue that the solution is to relax the rich base assumption by ruling gaps out at the UR level through morpheme structure constraints (Halle 1959 et seq.).

Recent studies have shown that sound-symbolic patterns can be modelled using phonological theory. The purpose of the current study is to describe a new Japanese nicknaming pattern, pime-yobi, wherein [h] alternates with [p] to express cuteness, and to model it using Maximum Entropy Harmonic Grammar. The current study, building on the analysis of Alderete & Kochetov (2017), proposes a sound-symbolic constraint, Express[p], which requires output forms to contain [p]. The results of two experiments show that Japanese speakers found names containing [p]s to be cuter than those without them and that pime-yobi nicknaming exhibits intra- and inter-speaker variation in acceptability and cuteness. Based on these results, theoretical analysis shows that the weight of Express[p] varies both across different speakers and within the same speaker.

Feature-based models of sign language use distinctive features to describe the phonological structure of signs. We use near-minimal pairs and phonological phenomena like productivity and neutralisation in French Sign Language to show that the feature [web], which refers to the webbing part of the fingers, should be (re)introduced into the list of phonologically active features. In discussing potential cases of [web] in other sign languages and the impact on the shape of phonological inventories, we first offer an account of [web] in terms of a location feature in line with most traditional feature-geometry models. We then offer some speculations on why a more uniform characterisation of [web] and the features in the same subclass in terms of the orientation type results in more economical models.