The unemployment problem in Colombia was recently discussed by Geithman and Landers (1973) in this journal. They argue that one of the fundamental causes of unemployment is a “higher capital-labor ratio” than would otherwise exist, according to factor endowments and the structure of final demand. This is attributed to the dependency of less developed countries (LDCs) on capital from advanced countries (ACs), with laborsaving characteristics suitable for the latter (Geithman and Landers, 1973: 317). Their excessive capital intensity thesis is based on Bruton's cross-sectional statistical study (1967), which made a number of simplified assumptions which should be examined in some detail.

Since Bruton and Geithman and Landers use the production function in their analysis, it is necessary to briefly discuss its most important characteristics. The quantities of capital (K), labor (L), and other inputs required by the industrial sector or the entire economy to achieve various levels of output (Q), can be viewed as a generalized production function.

“A new economic order is essential for world peace,” proclaimed President Carlos Andrés Pérez of Venezuela (1976) on November 16, 1976, at the UN General Assembly in fulfilling “the mandate which Simon Bolivar gave [the Venezuelans] more than 150 years ago” (Pérez, 1976: 28). Responding to this call of destiny and reaffirming Venezuela's claimed Bolivarian tradition of placing “its resources.at the service of its people, at the servi of Latin America, at the service of humanity” (Pérez, 1976: 28f President Pérez (nicknamed Simonsito) sought in and through the New International Economic Order (NIEO) a new Lebensraum, not of destructive territorial expansion, but of increased purchasing power, dignity, equality, and independence for the poor, weak, underprivileged countries (Pérez, 1976: 7, 11). The NIEO, “a moral obligation of all nations,” “is required as a¡ desideratum of peace,” especially since the disintegrating “old international economic order which emerged from the Second World War … was an unjust system of relations based on inequality … designed to benefit those countries which had accumulated the fruits of technical progress” (Pérez, 1976: 9).

Notre Anthologie panorama de la Poésie Haitienne parue en 1950 s'est arrêtée à cette date. Depuis, a vu le jour une collection de poètes. Nous n'avons pas la prétention de les connaître tous, ni d'en faire un recensement complet. Nous voulons, dans cette étude, présenter quelques-uns d'entre eux, sans distinction de sexe, essayant de fixer l'époque à laquelle ils appartiennent ainsi que les particularités de leurs oeuvres.

Près de quinze ans durant, le monde entier a connu bien des bouleversements, crises politiques, troubles sociaux, mais progrès technique d'une portée jamais égalée. Fréquents aussi sont les conflits de travail. Le capital finit par comprendre qu'il lui faut composer et faire un meilleur sort au travail qui a désormais son programme de revendications et son porte-parole avec les syndicats et les organisations ouvrières.

In a March 1980 address to the Venezuelan Congress, President Luis Herrera Campíns stated: “Effective action by Venezuela in the sphere of international affairs must take into account certain key facts: Economics—we are a producer-exporter of oil; politics—we have a stable, consolidated democracy; and geopolitics—we are at one and the same time a Caribbean, Andean, Atlantic, and Amazonian country” (Venezuela Up To Date, 1980: 8). President Herrera's statement reveals a Venezuelan interest in geopolitics; at the same time, it outlines the difficulties in achieving a coherent geopolitical strategy.

Rapid Modernization is Latin America's chief development requirement. Its costs and benefits are central questions for educators, developers and leaders to ponder and help answer.

Among the requirements of educational modernization is the adoption of curricula more pertinent to new social, political and economic needs than the outmoded curricula most schools and universities still have. Curriculum changes must also be accompanied by the introduction of new methods of instruction, improved physical facilities and raised academic standards. Another immediate challenge to the effectiveness of Latin American education, especially of universities, is the development of ways to engage facilities and faculties in significant service to public and private development activities. Contributions of educational institutions to the processes of national development no longer depend solely on their capacity to supply well-trained graduates. They must also contribute to the formulation and implementation of research and policy in the applied fields of government and industrial development.

Colombia's current attempt at agrarian reform began in December 1961 with the passage of Law 135, “On Social Agrarian Reform.” The Law has as its central objective a change in land tenure relationships in the densely populated western (or Andean) section of Colombia, where latifundia and minifundia often exist side by side. The Law established the Colombian Agrarian Reform Institute (Instituto Colombiano de la Reforma Agraria or INCORA) as a semiautonomous governmental agency to direct the process of reform. In recent months, however, the pace of the reform, which began ten projects during the first six months of 1962, has been slowed considerably due to a multitude of problems, among which the most serious are unswerving opposition to the program by both the large landowners and their allies on the right, the Movimiento Revolutcionario Liberal (MRL and its allies on the left, and inadequate financing.

Although the United States entered the Cuban war against Spain in 1898 with a great burst of pro-Cuban enthusiasm, this friendliness suddenly soured into contempt. A revolution in public opinion during the summer of 1898 abruptly lowered the Cuban heroes to the status of villains in North American eyes, while the Spanish enemy came to be regarded as brave and honorable. A Michigan soldier expressed a characteristic view when he confessed that “while my opinion of the Spanish troops is in the ascendant, that of the Cuban troops is at the other end of the teeter.

“One of the chief objects of my administration,” Woodrow Wilson stated on March 11, 1913, after learning of political unrest in the Caribbean, “will be to cultivate the friendship and deserve the confidence of our sister republics of Central and South America, and to promote in every proper and honorable way the interests which are common to the peoples of the two continents.” Believing, however, that “cooperation is possible only when supported at every turn by the orderly processes of just government based upon law, not upon arbitrary or irregular force,” he wanted the Latin American nations to build their governments upon the same foundation of law and order as that of the United States. On the part of his own nation, he renounced, in his Mobile Address of October 27, 1913, the “Dollar Diplomacy” of his predecessors Theodore Roosevelt and William Howard Taft, and proposed instead a Pan American Pact to provide mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity.

Ernesto Sábato es una de las figuras más destacadas del ambiente intelectual de la Argentina contemporánea. Ensayista y novelista, es un escritor que se ha lanzado con todas las fibras de su ser a la lucha desesperada con los problemas de nuestro tiempo. Siempre ha habido escritores que se han contentado con el arte “desinteresado”, los que se han ocupado principalmente de mundos fantásticos, los que han preferido observar, en contraste con los que han convertido su obra en instrumento por el bienestar social, los que participan activamente en la creación de una literatura de “servicio”, los que “agonizan”.

Quando se fizer a história da literatura brasüeira de nosso tempo, que lugar ficará reservado a Tristão de Atayde? O de crítico literario? O de crítico de idéias e problemas macionais e universais? O de sociólogo, filósofo, psicólogo, economista? Ou o de doutrinador e homem de ação católico?

Ninguém, creio eu, estará disposto, hoje em dia, a negar-lhe o laurel e a palma que lhe cabem em qualquer dessas categorias ou esferas de saber. A sua fecunda e variada obra testemunhará sempre urna presença em todos os domínios do pensamento brasileiro, seja qual for o ângulo de apreciação. Mas, nos cinquenta anos laboriosos da atividade de escritor de Tristão de Atayde, não haverá aspectos mais salientes, relevantes ou expressivos?

Como se sabe, êle começou a sua carreira fazendo crítica literária pura e simplesmente, ou antes de corpo e alma, sem se embaraçar com o sentido da existência em termos religiosos ou filosóficos de cristianismo ou catolicismo.

Socio-Economic or General Cultural Similarities between Brazil and the rest of Latin America would seem sufficient to support similarities of interests and close cooperative relationships. Yet Brazil's Lusophone culture, the immensity of the country, the geographical distance of much of its population from Spanish American population centers, and middle and upper class fascination for things American or European led instead to a sense of separateness and distinctness which impeded serious Brazilian selfidentification, beyond rhetoric, as a Latin American nation despite its geographical location. Thus the question of how Brazil should relate to the rest of Latin America has been a topic of domestic and continental debate, with increasingly practical consequences as the South American development process continues. The recent shift toward more intense, collaborative relations, in particular, invites analysis of current trends and speculation on possible outcomes.

There are Several Reasons why the drug phenomenon has proved to be a difficult analytical puzzle for social scientists. One is that the field of study itself shifts depending upon the interest of the analyst, ranging from topics as diverse as drug abuse, the political and judicial impact of violence and corruption engendered by the illegality of drug trafficking, and the nature of the groups that generate revenue from drug trafficking—and the purposes to which they put that money. Another reason, of course, is the fact that hard data are often absent; measurement problems are severe. A third reason, compounding the second, is that generalizations decay quickly in this area, as zones of production, patterns of consumption, trans-shipment points, and methods and relationships among trafficking groups, state agents and local producers can all change quickly.

North American political scientists and foreign policy observers spend a good deal of time lecturing Brazil on its proper role in world affairs. Brazilian diplomats and foreign policy specialists are occupied with formulating appropriate responses to the well meaning, but basically inaccurate, attempts of the Americans to push Brazil into global leadership (Política e Estrategia, 1983).

With the coming change in government on March 15,1985, the debate will again erupt. Will Tancredo Neves reformulate Brazilian foreign policy? Can Paulo Maluf redefine his country's role in world affairs? My own sense of the evolution of Brazilian foreign policy is that the concern is irrelevant. Brazil's world view, for some decades, has manifested a high degree of coherence and even predictability, if one listens to what Brazilian foreign policy elites say as well as what they do.

La primera impresión que acude a mi memoria pensando en Berni es la de un viaje que realicé a Rosario en compañía de su mujer y de su hijo. Berni estaba a la sazón en Europa y nuestra visita tenía como motivo inaugurar en el Museo Castagnino de esa ciudad, una muestra de los grabados que habían obtenido para Berni el galardón más alto que otorga la Bienal de Venecia. El recuerdo aludido se vincula sin duda al hecho de que Berni es de Rosario y que, aunque vagamente, conservo en la retina algún paisaje suyo cuando el artista casi adolescente reflejaba las impresiones del campo santafesino: el cielo claro, los trigales, la opulencia de la llanura reventona de cosechas, un aire de prosperidad agrícola que envuelve al viajero durante la travesía de esta región, el ganado gordo, el sol brillante, el paisano bien alimentado. Una trayectoria elíptica hasta las villas miseria que ocupan una de sus más recientes etapas pero en las que se conserva de algún modo la exuberancia de una riqueza natural que sin duda acompaña a Berni desde la niñez y que ha quedado estampada en su subconsciencia con la fuerza de un tatuaje.

The Council occupies a central position in the Organization of American States. The Charter names it as one of the six organs through which the Organization carries out its functions. It is the only body representing all member governments that is continually in session at the seat of the Organization. With some 60 years of consecutive if varied existence, the Council has been constantly subject to the major political influences that have shaped the attitudes of the 21 member governments toward the OAS. The fundamental character of the Council, its authority and its true role in the regional organization are still in a process of evolutionary development.

As nacoes, como sociedades políticas, vivem sob o império de interésses vitáis, que criam reações emocionáis e convições racionáis, edáo ao povo e á sua lideranga um comportamento unitario histórico. Todas elas tém aspiragoes permanentes que sao fruto do processo histórico, das características do povo e da etapa do desenvolvimento económico.

É no processo histórico que se revelam novas energías espirituais, forgas económicas em expansáo, vitalidades políticas que podem manifestar e garantir a perspectiva de expansáo das aspiragoes nacionais, no campo interno ou internacional, maiores ou menores conforme a capacidade do povo, da lideranga e da fórga económica.

Colombia remains one of a very small group of countries in Latin America which retain competitive, liberal-democratic political institutions at this writing. Indeed, Colombia's civil government, recognizing a modicum of individual liberties and conducting periodic elections, has been shattered on relatively few occasions since the mid-nineteenth century, a record equalled or surpassed by few other Latin American countries. The Colombian political system is still dominated by the two traditional political parties (Liberal and Conservative) which arose in Colombia and elsewhere in the region in the nineteenth century. In almost every other country they have long since passed into oblivion or insignificance. This continued dominance by the traditional parties is commonly attributed to their successful mobilization of mass support, especially among the peasantry. The Colombian parties (unlike their counterparts elsewhere) early moved beyond being mere elite factions by using traditional authority relationships, clientelistic exchanges and ideological appeals to develop durable bases of mass support.

Almost all literature on immigration in the context of assimilation addresses itself either directly or indirectly to values. While material is more often available for examining assimilation's external manifestations, such as frequency of intermarriage with the native population, degree of participation in the institutions of the host country, and willingness to adopt its language, these manifestations inevitably turn around the more amorphous question of native and immigrant values. More fundamental than social patterns, values determine whether an immigrant will learn the new language or will intermarry with the long-term residents of the host country.

Urban morphology and growth have been studied by sociologists and others in the United States for half a century. A question raised in some recent studies is: To what extent are urban forms and growth processes universal? Sargent (1972) has proposed a universal model of urban dynamics intended “to relate processes to the spatial development,” particularly residential development, of the city. Sargent uses Buenos Aires between 1870 and 1930 as a case study. This article applies his model to another Latin American capital, Caracas, during approximately the same time period in order to demonstrate imperfections in the model as it relates to the way in which transportation systems expand, the forces which influence their expansion, and the manner in which they affect city growth.